First, That it is of no Consequence, whether any Nation hath a vast deal of Gold and Silver, or but very little Money amongst them, if sufficient Care be taken to make the Plenty of every thing gret enough, to make the Money they have, amply extend to circulate their Trade in every Branch, so as fully to employ and support all their People; which must and will make them all happy, and certainly cause them to have vastly more foreign Trade, by their thus being able to make and sell their Manufactures and Produce at lower Rates than their Neighbour Nations can do. And this is absolutely in the Power of every Nation, that will cultivate Land enough to effect it; unless any Nation should have more People in it than they have Land to support them; which may easily be known from the Demand there will be for Land, and raising the Rents in Consequence thereof, till the Prices of Necessaries become so dear, that the Wages of the labouring People will not purchase what is needful for the Support of their Families, and there be no more Land left to cultivate, and remove this Mischief, which will fall more or less on every Occupation, in Proportion as the Poor become thereby distressed. In this Case, there is no Relief but transporting the People where they can have Land enough for them.
Secondly, It's of little or no Consequence to the Trade of any Nation, whether the People spend near or all their Gains, provided they do not spend more than they really gain; for this disables them to make good their mutual Contracts and Bargains; or whether they are generally frugal, and lay up considerably. For the Trade of a Nation doth very little depend on these Things, but intirely on employing the People in Cultivation of Land, in that Proportion to the other Employments of Mankind, that the Necessaries of Life, which all ultimately work for, may be so plentiful, that the meanest of the People may easily attain a Sufficiency of them; for Plenty of these comprehends all human Felicity, not excepting Peace itself. For why should we differ, or go to War; or how can we ask Heaven to succeed our Arms against our Neighbours, when we have enough of what we want amongst ourselves, and can sell our Produce, and make our goods so cheap, as almost to lay them under a Necessity to buy them of us? And this is the best Condition our Trade with foreign Nations can ever have, and will render all other Stipulations and Treaties about our Trade, almost, if not altogether unnecessary. So that we may very well maintain Peace with all the World, if they do not mediately or immediately attack or make Depredations upon us; in which Case alone I apprehend it can be justifiable to suffer so many People to be cut off, as War necessarily destroys on both Sides. And if every Nation would pursue these Things, each would be so far from injuring another, that every one would contribute to the Happiness of the whole.
And since I have asserted the Connection of Plenty and Peace to be such, that they may always be maintained together, and support each other, I shall shew how to avoid a War, in all Cases, except that of one Nation's making Depredations on the Goods or Territories of another; in which Case, the Aggressors so kindling War are the greatest Plagues and Murderers of Mankind, with whose Calamities they are justly chargeable.
I would by no Means have any Nation tamely, or easily give up the minutest Advantage in Trade they justly possess; and whoever will force such Advantages from them, invades their just Rights and Properties, and may therefore undoubtedly be repell'd by Force of Arms.
Yet we should not easily be drawn into a War, it being one of the greatest Calamities to which Mankind can be subjected; the End of which none can well foresee, and the Burthens of which (i.e. publick Debts and Taxes) are seldom discharged in one Generation, tho' a Peace of so long Duration should happen to ensue; not to insist on the prodigious Devastations War often makes, and the tributary State nations are sometimes brought under by it: On this Account, I say, we should not easily be drawn into a War, but rather give up an important Point of Trade, if it can't be preserved without a War, the Success and Duration of which we find ourselves not able to determine when we engage in it.
For why do Nations contend about Points of Trade? Is it not solely for the sake of the Money they shall get by it?
Now if this be a true Principle, that the Price of the Produce and Manufactures of every Nation will advance, as the Cash amongst the People increaseth; if we, to avoid a War, prudently give up a Point of Trade which augmented our Money, we must then for want of such Point of Trade, and that Money, make every thing so much cheaper at home, by the Means I have shewn, as that we may be able to go with our Produce and Manufactures, still so much cheaper than before, to those Nations whose Markets will now be considerably advanced by the Money they get by the Points of Trade we parted with to them. Now if our Produce, etc. be made cheap enough, as I have shewn they certainly may they will force themselves on them, and find so much more Vend at such Markets, as to supply them even with what before they either raised themselves, or had from other Nations, and at the same time prevent them from sending many of their Goods to our Markets, where all things being thus made plenty, and consequently good, will be too cheap to admit the much dearer Commodities of other Nations. And thus we may have the Balance on any such Nation, and bring home the Money thro' their Canal, even though we give up such considerable Points of Trade, by which they first get the Money we should otherwise have had.
And if there really be this Way, as there undoubtedly is, for every Nation, that will be so prudent sufficiently to pursue it, to preserve Peace, and extend their Trade, and avoid War; how absurd as well as wicked is it to go to War about Trade, which we hence see may be more effectually promoted by the Arts of Peace! And this I think is a wise Disposition of Providence, shewing how Mankind may maintain Commerce and Peace over the Face of the whole Earth, without interrupting the one, or breaking the other.
Thirdly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal, is the only natural Means to prevent the clandestine Exportation of our Wool; for it's evident, since there are the best Laws and severest Penalties, that could well be devised, already made to prevent the running our Wool, whoever will have it must wade through all the Difficulties and Impediments that lie in their Way; which can't possibly be done without very great Charges, and sometimes losing the Wool they are endeavouring to run; whence our Wool must needs come vastly dearer to those Nations that so fetch it from us, than what the same Wool costs our own Manufacturers; wherefore, if the People in foreign Nations could not live a vast deal cheaper than we can do, they could not be able to work so much cheaper, as to prevent us from sending them our manufactures. But because the Necessaries of Life cost them a vast deal less than those Things cost us, therefore notwithstanding our Wool costs them a vast deal more, for the Reasons above assigned, than it cost us, yet they are able by this Means to make the manufactures cheaper for themselves than they can have them from us;(12*) and this is both the Cause and Encouragement of the running our Wool, and enables those that so fetch it from us, to interfere with us, at other foreign Markets, with the Manufactures they make of our Wool, since they can make them cheaper than we can, and, for ought I can see, they might be able, if they could get these Manufactures imported amongst us, to beat us out of this Branch of our Trade even amongst ourselves, if we should continue to keep the Necessaries of Life so dear as to prevent our Manufacturers from working cheaper.
But if we make our Victuals and Drink so much cheaper, as shall enable us to work as cheap as other Nations can do,(13*) the running our Wool will stop of itself; for we shall then be able to send them our Manufactures so cheap, as to prevent them from putting themselves to such extraordinary Difficulties and Charges to get our Wool, as they now certainly must do if they will have it from us.
And as this is the natural Means to prevent the running our Wool, so, I believe, I may be positive the Woollen Manufactures in England will never be promoted or relieved any other Way whatsoever; because whilst the Necessaries of Life cost so much as they now do amongst us, most other Nations will be able to work a great deal cheaper than we.(14*) And if thereby they are really found able to interfere in almost the only natural Branch of our Trade, how much more must this affect us in many other Branches of our foreign Trade, beside the Encouragement they by this Means find to vend their Wares to us, whilst our Commodities are by this Means too dear to find sufficient Encouragement at any of those foreign Markets that can work cheaper than we?
But to encourage our Woollen Manufactures, we ought most certainly to make them cheaper, that many of our own People, who now go in Rags, and almost naked, may be able much easier to purchase Cloaths; and many others may be more frequently cloathed than they are, or, I believe, as Things now stand, they can be; but as this can't be done but by employing abundance more of our People in Cultivation of Land, so the employing them this Way, which will certainly make Things cheaper to what Degree we please, will also enable the People to purchase such Cloaths as will defend them from the Cold and Weather, and put it in the Power of abundance of People to be sweet and clean, who are now, without Remedy, a Reproach not only to our Country, but even to human Nature itself.
And thus I think our Woollen Manufactures, which now even lie by and spoil, or rot in our Warehouses, would be certainly wanted, and used as fast as they could be made by our Manufacturers; and this, I think, would save our Government the Charge they are now at for Officers and Vessels to prevent the running our Wool, which I suppose can't be an inconsiderable Article.
For such a greater Consumption of our Wool at home would take up a good Part of that Surplus, which perhaps, as things now stand, would make Wool of little Value, if Foreigners did not fetch it clandestinely from us; and what a Tendency this hath to make our Gentry connive at the running our Wool, to enable the Grower to pay his Rent, I shall leave to every one's own Reflection.
Fourthly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal will lessen the Number of Hawkers and Pedlars, and all other Tradesmen in every Business, which is now overstocked with Numbers, by making it more profitable to them to employ themselves in transacting the Trade and Affairs, that must necessarily arise by increasing the Produce of the Earth to so very considerable a Degree, as will be needful to attain the End I am persuing in this Essay.
For if so great a Quantity of waste land were annually added and cultivated, as would hold Proportion not only to the natural Increase of Mankind, which I have shewn must at present be at least 86 square Miles every Year; and if so much more waste Land were also added, as would lower the Price of Necessaries so much as shall be effectual to enable the Poor to work considerably cheaper, than they now can do; as there then would be a prodigious deal of Work created, which is now wanted to employ the Poor, and enable them to subsist without being chargeable to the Publick, that they, together with many others, may become much greater Consumers, than ever they can be, till the Plenty of every thing is rendered great enough to admit so much greater Consumption; so this would certainly make abundance of Trade and Business for Shopkeepers and other Venders not only of this extraordinary Quantity of Produce, but of all kinds of Manufactures, which will most certainly be made and consumed at home, or vended abr in consequence of the Plenty of these Things arising from the continual Addition of so much waste Land every Year: I say therefore, as this must needs create a prodigious deal of Trade for Venders of all sorts of Goods, more than now exists, or can exist till this be done, so it must needs cause many of those, who now, to get their bread, travel the country with Packs and Burthens enough to break their Backs, sometimes Miles before they have taken so much Pains they often sell nothing; I say, this must needs cause many such Hawkers and Pedlars to employ themselves at their own Habitations or proper neighbouring Markets, and prevent others, by making it unnecessary, and not so well worth while, from entering on so labourious and painful an Employment as Hawkers and Pedlers do and must submit to; besides that to save the extraordinary Charges which are almost unavoidable to Travellers, they not only fare hard, but commonly lodge in Barns.
Wherefore if this Proposal were to be executed, the Number of Hawkers and Pedlars would certainly be so much lessened that they would be no such Injury to Shop-keepers as their almost universal petitioning against them to the Parliament, and the very Nature of hawking Goods about Town and Country shews they certainly are, and must continue to be, not only to shop-keepers, but to Landlords of Houses too, because they disable the Shop-keepers to pay the Rents.
And as this Proposal is the only natural Means to lessen the Number of Hawkers and Pedlars, and all other Tradesmen whose Trades are too numerous, so I believe it's the only possible Way to remove the Mischief now brought on most Trades by hawking Goods; for in almost every Trade, even where vast Sums are employed, and where they can't carry their Goods from place to place, it is become a Rule to court and solicit Customers in Town and Country, not only to the great and unreasonable Reduction of the Profits of Trade, which when hawking Goods thus becomes general, will be inseparable to this Practice, but also to the very great and extraordinary Expence of every Tradesman, who will put in for a Share of Trade, and not stay at home whilst others pick away his Customers; besides that the Customers so obtained are often in such Circumstances, as occasion the making more and larger bad Debts, than would probably be made if Goods were not pushed off by such extraordinary Means; but if what I here propose be executed, all these Evils will be so far remedied, that it will be every man's chief Interest to keep his Shop, because his Shop will then keep him.
Fifthly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal, will in a great Measure prevent the giving long Credit, and making bad Debts in Trade.
For long Credit increases the Sums credited, because People in longer time wanting still more and more Goods, makes the Sums credited much larger than they would be, if Credit were considerably shortened in point of Time. Wherefore such long and large Credit, doth very much contribute to the making bad Debts, which, I think, is not only obvious but sadly felt too, by a great many; if therefore the executing this Proposal, will in some good Degree prevent the giving long Credit, it must also in a great Measure prevent making bad Debts.
Now the giving long and large Credit, is undoubtedly owing only to such Trades being too numerous, whence the People in such Trades, in order to vend their Goods, find themselves under a Necessity, if they will get any thing by them, to trust large Sums a long Time. But if the Way I contend for, of furnishing Tradesmen with more Business, were put into Practice, the giving long and large Credit would generally cease; for as in this Case, there would certainly be larger Business in fewer Hands, this would (and nothing else can) enable Tradesmen to pick and choose whom they will credit, whereas they now certainly are forced to court and oblige almost any body that will take their Goods, where they have any tolerable Prospect to have the Money for them, with what Credit and Time such Customers please to take; whence not only very slow Returns of Money are made, but great Losses and Ruin befalls many Tradesmen who had pretty good Beginnings, and who, if their Trades had not been thus unhappily circumstanced, would probably have made considerable Improvements.
Besides, the doing what I contend for, would certainly mend the Circumstances of the People in general very much, which would render long Credit the less necessary, and make the Risk of bad Debts inconsiderable to what it is, where the People in general are in such strait and bad Circumstances, as to stand in need of long and large Credit. And thus also would much less Sums employed in Trade, be sufficient for much larger Transactions or Returns, than when long and large Credit is become the Course of any Trade, which will always unavoidable be the State of every Trade that is overstocked with Numbers.
But it may be said, that the giving long Credit, is rather owing to the Plenty of the Commodities credited, than to the Number of Traders in such Commodities.
But since the Plenty of such Commodities is owing to employing too many Hands in raising them, in which Case, there will always be too many to vend them, long Credit is still owing to such Trades being too numerous, and overdone in all the several Parts.
But the Plenty of the more immediate Necessaries of Life, can, I think, never be overdone, because the cheaper these are, which is inseparable from the Plenty of them, the greater will the Consumption of them be, since they will hence be more easily attained in much larger Quantities by almost all Ranks of Men; and as these are what all Men chiefly and ultimately work for, in whatever Way they are employed, so they are the principal and proper Foundation of the Plenty and Cheapness, and consequently of the proper Consumption of all other Things whatsoever. For to what Purpose is it to abound in all kinds of Manufactures, if the People are generally scarce able to procure themselves the other more immediate Necessaries of Life, Victuals and Drink?
But though the Rents must be lowered, as these Things shall, by the Plenty of them, be made cheaper, yet having before shewn that all things will hence become cheaper, in much greater Proportion, than the Rents will be lowered, I shall only say further, that since all Things must first come out of the Ground, Lands will always bear such Rents as the Cash circulating amongst the People, consistently with the general Welfare, will naturally support; and higher Rents they never can bear, without greatly distressing the People in general, and the Gentlemen themselves too in the End, of which the Multitude of Farms, which have of late been quitted through the Inability of the Farmers to pay the Rents, are a sufficient and melancholy Proof. For the Rents of Lands are undoubtedly as much subjected to the Quantity of Cash circulating amongst the People, as it has been clearly shewn the Price of Goods necessarily is.
And hence I conclude, that it is owing to too great a Scarcity of Money amongst the People in general, which doth necessarily lessen the Consumption of every thing so much, that the Price of the Produce of the Ground can't be raised high enough to enable the Farmers to pay all Charges and live and pay such Rents as they were to have paid.
Sixthly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal,would be a vast Encouragement to young People to marry; since the Means of a Livelihood for Families, would hereby be vastly facilitated, and hereby the Marriage State would be relieved from the melancholy Difficulties it now too generally lies under, for want of striking out greater Plenty, and more Employment, to enable those that are in it, to support and make Provision for their Families, suitably to their several Ranks and Stations.
And those unjust Reflections, too frequently cast on the Marriage State, would cease with those Difficulties, which is the general Foundation of them all; and we should sing with Milton, 4th,
Hail wedded Love, mysterious Law, true Source
Of human Offspring!
By thee adulterous Lust was driven from Men,
Amongst the bestial Herd to range; by thee,
Founded in Reason, loyal, just and pure,
Relations dear, and all the Charities
Of Father, Son, and Brother, first were known.
Here Love his Golden Shafts employs, here lights
His constant Lamp, and waves his purple Wings;
Reigns here, and revels; not in the bought Smile
Of Harlots, loveless, joyless, unindear'd.
The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal would cause much less Fortunes to be required with young Women; since not only much less Sums would transact much larger Affairs, but there would abundance more Business every way arise to be transacted; whence the young Men would not have Occasion for such Precautions, as are now absolutely needful to all that will marry.
I believe we should then be far from finding near a fourth part of our Traders single Men,(15*) as is by many with some Probability conjectured; to this Cause I attribute the great Number of Prostitutes of the other Sex, which I believe never can be so effectually remedied, as by making the Marriage State more easy in point of Charge.
And as this will infallibly be effected, by the Means I have pointed out, so it will at the same Time certainly furnish so much more Business of every kind, as considerably to increase the Gains likewise.
Further, when I consider that the Male exceeds the Female Sex about seven in an hundred, by which, if all the Women were in the Marriage State, the fifteenth Man must life single, there being no Female provided for him; and also the natural Modesty of the Female, which being greater, inclines them more strongly to virtuous Love, than the fashionable Boldness of the other Sex doth; when I consider these Things, I can find no Cause, to which to impute the great Number of Prostitutes, but that too many Men avoid the Marriage State, not, as they pretend, for the Sake of being free, and at their Liberty (for in truth they are often wretched slaves to ill Women and Diseases) but on the Account of the unavoidable and great Charges which attent it, and its being almost impossible to make such Provision for Children, as may put them into as good Circumstances as their Parents began in.
This Motive is indeed so prudent, that I can't help recommending it as the most laudable and praise-worthy Thing in the World, and which I wish both Sexes would always attend to, and be governed by; provided they do at the same time always preserve their Virtue and Innocence unblemished.
The rules laid down in this Essay are sufficient Direction to the first of these; and for the latter, I must address my self to the fair Sex, and desire them to consider and always remember, that as the great Point of Honour in them is Chastity, so they may see, how wisely Providence hath proportioned the Sexes to maintain it. For as they may assure themselves, the 15th Man through the whole Male Sex, never will, if they can help it, live without a woman; so the Demand for Women (to speak in the Tradesman's Stile) must necessarily be so great, that they shall not only all have Husbands, if they please, but may refuse too such as they don't so well like, provided they would all be wise and good enough to maintain this their great Point of Honour, Chastity.
And I would hope, it may be a Means to cause some of those, who shall hence be informed, how much more numerous the Male Sex are than the Female, who might otherwise be in any Danger of a dishonourable Surrender, to be more on their guard, and let no Arts, no Pretences ever prevail, but lawful Marriage, which is, and always will be honourable in all.
And hence we may see, how great an Injury Prostitutes are to Society, since 'tis they only are the Occasion, that so many Women do and must live single, and consequently put a great Impediment on the Increase of the human Race, and cut off a great deal of Employment from amongst the People, which depends very much on the Increase of Mankind; and thus they also contribute very much to make many Women enter on Trades, and work at Businesses, that should be Employment for Men, and afford better Wages for the Support of Families, than any Trades ever will do, where the Women are considerable Workers at such Trades; and as this often lays the married Women, whose Business is to bear Children and guide the House, which is generally Work enough for them, under a Necessity to work at some Trade or Calling to earn something to help to support their Families, their Husbands Wages being hence insufficient to do it; so their Children must, and hence often are so neglected, that many of them are lost, and such of them as will live almost in spight of such unavoidable Neglects, are commonly Cripples.
Seventhly. Though what I have been endeavouring to shew through this whole Essay, viz. that if the Plenty be made great enough, the Consequence must be both more Employment and Trade too amongst the People; and likewise that the necessaries of Life, which almost all are ultimately striving for, will be much easier attained, and the People in general thence be in better Circumstances, and a much happier Condition; I say, though these Things suggest themselves with the Clearness and Evidence of first Principles, yet I shall use one Argument more, which will evince, that a vast deal more Business of every Kind, will be the Effect of fully and sufficiently executing this Proposal in all its Parts; and that, from the Consideration of the general Condition and Circumstances of the People, 7/8 of whom, in much better Times of Trade and Business, are, by the Spectator, No. 200, asserted to be without any Property at all in themselves, or the Heads of their Families, and must Work for their daily Bread.
Now 7/8 of so large a Body, as the People of this Kingdom, must needs have a vast influence on the Trade of it, if we consider them, as being little more than half the Consumers they might and ought to be; which I shall shew, by the Following Estimate for a labouring Man and his Family; and though this Estimate is made for a labouring Man's Family in London, yet since the Wages of the labouring People in the Country are as much less than Wages in London, as the Country People can subsist cheaper, it will still hold that the labouring People in general are but half the Consumers they ought to be, as the following Estimate will sufficiently prove.
A Estimate of the necessary Charge of a labouring Man and his Family in London, consisting of a Man and his Wife and four Children, which I take to be a middling Family; however, since they often may have more Children, this must at least be a needful Allowance for a labouring Man and his Family.
Daily Expence per Head; Daily Expence for the whole Family; Weekly Expence for the whole Family
Bread for six Persons, 3 q.; 4 1/2 d.; 2 s. 7 1/2 d. Butter, 1 q.; 1 1/2 d.; 10 1/2 d. Cheese, 1/2 q.; 3/4 d.; 5 1/2 d. Meat, 1 d.; 6 d.; 3 s. 6 d. Small Beer, 2 q.; 3 d.; 1 s. 9 d. Roots, Herbs, Flower, Oatmeal, Salt, Vinegar, Pepper, Mustard, Sugar, 1 q., 1 1/2 d. ; 10 1/2 d. Soap, 1/2 q.; 3/4 d.; 5 1/4 d. Threads, Needles, Pins, Worsteads, Tapes, etc. for repairing Cloaths, etc. 1/2 q.; 3/4 d.; 5 1/4 d. Milk one day with another, for the whole Family, --; 3/4 d.; 5 1/4 d. A Candle one day with another, --; 3/4 d; 5 1/4 d. Coals one Day with another, -- ; 2 d.; 1 s. 2 d. Strong Beer, -- ; 1 1/2 d.; 10 1/2 d.
Total, -- ; 1 s. 11 3/4 d.; 13 s. 10 1/4 d.
Weekly Expence of the whole Family; Yearly Expence.
Brought over, 13 s. 10 1/2 d.; --
Repairs of Household-Goods, as Bedding, Sheets, Table-linnen, Mops, Brooms, Brushes, Pots, Pans, etc. guess'd to make the Pence even, at 4 3/4 d; -- Schooling for the Children, 9 d.; -- Rent of two Rooms, which is as little as such a Family can or ought to shift with, 1 s. 6 d.; -- A Woman's Victuals and Wages in Lyings-in, and Illness, with extraordinary Charges on such Occasions, guess'd at, -- ; 2 l. Cloaths, Linen, Woollen, Shoes, Stockings, etc. for the Man, guess'd at, -- ; 2 l. 10 s. Ditto, for the Woman, -- ; 2 l. 10 s. Ditto, for the four Children at 1 l. per Annum per Head, -- ; 4 l. Physick for the whole Family one Year with another, -- ; 10 s.
The necessary Yearly Charge of such a Family, -- ; 54 l. 10 s. 4 d.
If any thing the Article of Cloaths too much, let them consider to what Purpose the Manufactures are made, if 7/8 of the People can't be allowed to be such inconsiderable Consumers.
And if any think the other Part of the Estimate too large, let them shew how such a family can with any Decency have their Wants supplied with these Things, cheaper than I have put them.
But if any please to strike any of these Things our of the Estimate, I would advise, that those Things should not be raised in the World at all, since 7/8 of Mankind can't be allowed to partake of them.
For high as this Estimate runs, it is not half so much as such a Family will cost in the very next Station of Life above the labouring Mechanick's Rank, whilst at the same time it's certain, as the Prices of Necessaries now are, the labouring Mechanick can hardly earn enough to purchase half these Things.
For whatever Wages a working Man may sometimes earn, 10 or 12 Shillings per Week, when all Deductions are made of lost Time for want of Work and Illness, is the utmost one Man with another can get for himself and Family, which being but 26 or 30 l. per annum, is but about half what is necessary for the Support of such a Family, in the meanest Manner it can be decently done.
This therefore shews the Usefulness and Necessity of making the Plenty so much greater, that every thing may be thereby made much cheaper, and there may be more Work to employ the Poor, and their Wants may be better supplied, which will necessarily make so much more Trade and Business amongst others.
This Estimate also shews, that a Principle I have gone upon, and hitherto taken for granted, is true, in the Nature of the Thing itself, viz. that the Wants of Mankind, if fully supplied according to their several Ranks in Life only, are sufficient to give full Employment to all that must get their Living by their Diligence and Labour.
For if 7/8 of the People, were, as they might and ought to be, double the Consumers they are, which, I think, appears by this Estimate; it would rather be a Question, whether Mankind are able to supply all their Wants, than whether the Wants of Mankind are sufficient to give full employment to thost that want it.
And this is an invincible Argument for a free and unrestrained Trade, since if any Nation makes Goods for us, we must be making others for them or some other Nation, and so mutually for each other, provided our Goods are made cheap enough to maintain such Commerce.
And if so, what a Number of People will every Nation thus be able, by means of maritime commerce, with all its Appendages, to sustain, more than any such Nation could do, without this Way of employing and supporting them. For if the people had not this Way to employ them, they must fall into Agriculture for Employment; in which Case, the same Number of People would require a vastly greater Extent of Territory to support them than in the former Case and their Affluence(16*) would in general be vastly less likewise; besides, that such a Nation would not be near so formidable; the Reasons of which I shall endeavour to shew.
If any certain Quantity of Land well cultivated and improved will produce Corn and Cattle, and all other Necessaries for the Use of Man, when only 1/3 of the People, suppose, are immediately employ'd this Way, whilst the other 2/3 are employed in maritime Affairs, and Affairs thereunto relating, and other Vocations: if the People can be so subsisted, as they undoubtedly are, at the same Time that their maritime Commerce is not only so useful, to employ so very great a Part of them, as subsist in any Relation to it, but brings them Gold and Silver, who have no other Way to procure any amongst them, which Gold and Silver, by being made the Medium of all Transactions, circulates swiftly through every Hand, in suitable Proportion to the Business each Particular transacts, leaving also amongst many of them a Surplus, greater than what their particular Occasions require, which constitutes the Wealth of such particulars, and which, when many of the People are thus enriched, constitutes what is called national Affluence; I say, a Nation doth thus become properly affluent, and that includes Strength and Power.
All Interruptions therefore of this Commerce, whilst it continues gainful (i.e. increases the Nation's Cash) will no doubt be allowed to lessen this Affluence, Strength and Power. Therefore when any Branch of Commerce lessens the Cash of a Nation, I expect it will be thought fit by high Duties or Prohibitions to restrain or suppress it; but this I shall take the Liberty to deny, because it will hence become fit for other Nations to lay such Restraints or Prohibitions, as never to let us have a gainful Trade, if they can help it, it being just so far a losing Trade to them as it's gainful to us; and as maritime Commerce must be, and certainly now is, very much lessened by these mutual Restraints, so many People must have lost their Employment in every such Nation, and where they will find Employment, but in Tillage and Cultivation of Land, I can't imagine; wherefore, if they must employ such, or an equal Number of others this Way, which indeed the rising Generation will best and most naturally supply for that Purpose, as they can't be employed on the Land before cultivated, so it's certain they must have so much larger Territory to support the same Number of People, whereby, as their domestick Trade will languish as their maritime Trade decreases, because domestick Trade doth very much depend on maritime Trade, so their maritime Force will decrease together with them; for the Truth of which, I appeal to Experience and Fact, whether every Nation be not more or less formidable, as their maritime Commerce is more extensive or less considerable; whence it's plain, Affluence and Strength are so connected with the maritime Trade of a Nation, that they must increase or diminish together.
But if every Nation, instead of such Restraints, would make their Produce, etc. cheap enough, which they can always do, and that to the real Advantage of every Part of the Community, their good and cheap Goods would force themselves by these Qualities (which are inseparably connected) on some other Nations at least, and, I think, on them too who endeavour to restrain them, and thus extend as well as preserve their maritime Commerce, and with it their Affluence and Prowess.
And this might perhaps demonstrate to others the Folly of restraining Trade in any Degree whatsoever, and be a Means to point the Way to make their People happy in Trade, without such Restraints, or ever going to War with each other about it; for War, I am sure, is always in its Consequences, as destructive of Trade as it is of the Peace and Happiness of Mankind.
But the above Estimate shews, that if the Produce of the Earth were doubled, it would certainly be consumed, since the Wages of the labouring People, who are the bulk of Mankind, are not sufficient to purchase above half the Necessaries such a Family doth require. If it be said, every one hath not so large a Family; I answer, that many have larger; and as it is reasonably expected, every Man should provide for his own Family, how large soever it may be; it hence becomes fit, that every Man should be capable to earn, at least, as much as will provide for such a middling Family, as the Estimate is made for.
But I must observe, that the Produce of the Earth could not be doubled, unless the Quantity of Land in Use were also doubled; for the Land in Use doth certainly, generally, produce as much as it can well be made to bear; therefore it follows, there must be twice as much Land to bear twice the present Quantity of Produce, which the Estimate shews would be consumed, without altering the several Ranks and Stations of Man in any Respect, but that of being comfortably supported in the several Ranks and Stations of Life.
But to double the Produce, there must be double the Number of People employed in Cultivation of Land. Now, I think it self-evident, that Trade, Manufactures, etc. could not possibly spare half such a Number of People out of them, without making Trade, Manufactures, etc. much too profitable, and encouraging, to suffer half so many People to employ themselves any other Way. For as it is the Demand, which governs and fixes the Price of every thing, if so many People were to be taken out of Trade, Manufactures, etc. as half the Quantity of Land, we have now in Use, would require to cultivate and improve it, and go through all the Parts of Business arising thereby, the Manufacturers, Traders, etc. would undoubtedly be able to exact almost what Price they pleased for their Work and Business. Upon the whole then, we may see, that all the Produce of the Earth and Manufactures would be wanted and used, if Things were to be put on so happy a Foot, as I am pointing out; and that the Wants of Mankind are full as great, as both their Abilities, and the Earth too, are capable of supplying; whence it follows, that any Want of Employment or Trade amongst the People, is solely owing to this, that we have not Land enough in Use to employ and support them.
Again, I would observe, that if the present Quantity of Produce were to be augmented only one Fourth at most (and perhaps People enough might be spared out of Trade, Manufactures, etc. to do this) it would certainly fall the Price of the Produce half.
For since Farms must, in this Case, be one Fourth more numerous than they are, the Rents of Lands would thereby necessarily be considerably lowered; and if the Produce of the Earth would, in this Case, be augmented to so great a Degree, as a fourth Part also, as I suppose it certainly would; these Things taken together, I think, could not fail to lower the Price of the Produce half, and then Labour would of Necessity be lowered also, because the working of Necessity be lowered also, because the working People would be under no less Necessity than they are now, to work as cheap as they possibly can.
For if, as it hath been shewn, the Produce can't be doubled, to enable the working People to be double the Consumers they now are, as the Estimate shews they certainly would, if they could get it, and that without bringing them at all out of the Rank and Condition of working People: Nay, if the Produce can't be increased half, nor perhaps hardly one Fourth neither, would not absolute Necessity oblige the working People to work as cheap as they possible can, that they may be able to supply their Wants as far as they can, which yet, it appears by the Estimate, must be considerably abridged, notwithstanding the Plenty, which a fourth Part more Land than we now have in Use would produce; and notwithstanding too, that there would, in this Case, be so much more Employment for the working People, as would fill up the whole Time they have to labour in: So true is the Proverb, and so true 'twill always be, That nothing is cheap, but poor Folks Labour.
But this Estimate shews, how much the Necessaries of Life ought to be lowered in Price, in order to reduce the Wages of the labouring People, so as to make much more Employment for them, and at the same time increase the Consumption of every thing to such a Degree, that there may be a great deal more Business amongst the trading Part of the People.
The labouring People, I am sure, and do insist on it, notwithstanding my Estimate, can make about 16 Shillings per Week support such a Family, as the Estimate is made for, though I know not, nor desire to know, how to make an Estimate thereof; and I have heard them that have such Families, declare they should think themselves happy; wherefore it appears to me, that in order to reduce Labour, the Necessaries of Life should be lowered at least one Fourth, and the labouring People be enabled, notwithstanding, to purchase near half as many more Necessaries as their present Wages of 10 or 12 Shillings per Week will do, at the Rates these Things now go; and, I think, any one who considers the Pittances allowed in the Estimate, must think it fit, that the labouring People, if they will be industrious, should notwithstanding any manner of Pretences or Suggestions to the contrary, have it in their Power to obtain half as many more Necessaries for their Support and Comfort, as their present Wages will now purchase, and then there would be almost half as many more Trade and Business amongst the People in general, as there now is, or can be till this be done; besides all other mighty Advantages, inseparably connected with it; of which, the Removal of many of those Temptations, which contribute to the Destruction of the Poor, and which would, in this Case, in a great Measure be certainly removed, is no small one.
For I take the great Number of Brandy-shops and Ale-houses, which have multiplied so mightily of late Years, to be one of the greatest Snares and Temptations that could be laid in the Way of the labouring People,and which introduces most of the Calamities and Vices they fall into; these which are so great a Snare to the poorer Sort, as Taverns also are to many in better Stations, would, I think, soon be very much reduced in their Numbers (though I suppose we shall always have enough of them) if so much new Employment were produced for the People in general, as would arise by the Execution of this Proposal.
For since it hath been shewn, that the full Execution of this Proposal will create as much Employment and Trade as the People can possibly perform, I think the trading People would soon find more honourable, if not more profitable Ways to subsist, than by enticing and encouraging the working People to spend the Money they know should be saved for and laid out on their Families; and instead of suffering them to disorder themselves, and waste that Time, which should be employed to gain a Support for their Families, or if they have none, to provide against the Infirmities of Age, and other Accidents of Life, or for near and helpless Relations, they would even turn such disorderly People out of their Houses, or at least not sell them Liquors so vastly injurious to them, and all the Relations they stand in to others. For there are Instances of Brandy-Shops and Publick-houses, who having pretty good Trades will not suffer such Excesses in their Houses, notwithstanding the many Examples, and State of Trade in general are bad enough to justify any Means of attaining a Livelihood, not absolutely unlawful. But there is a Necessity to lower the Necessaries of Life to about half the present Price, if we would reduce Labour only one fourth Part lower than it now goes; for as it is the Demand alone, which gives the Value, and fixes the Price to every thing, any slender attempts to employ the Poor, and make more Business this way arise to others, would by encreasing the Demand for Labour, etc. rather tend to raise the wages of the labouring People, and augment the Profits of the trading Part, than to lower either of them; for I believe the trading People in general (and their numerous Complaints to the Parliament, shew as much, as well as an Estimate I have subjoined) stand in need of larger Profits, as the first Estimate also shews the labouring People do of larger Supplies, than their present Wages will now procure them.
But perhaps it may be asked, How Labour can be reduced the Way I propose, since the Demand for it (which always advances the Price of every thing) will be greater: To which I answer, that it is the present Rates of Labour only that will be reduced my Way, but its Value, according to the above Maxim will be greater, when the Necessaries of Life are rendered so much cheaper, that a fourth part less Wages will purchase near half as many more Necessaries as the present Rates of Labour will do; and as this is all the Reduction of Labour I am aiming at, or which in the Nature of the Thing is possible, so, that I may be clearly understood, let it be supposed, that such a labouring Man's Family can be decently maintained (as it most certainly may) with about 16 Shillings per Week, and that the Necessaries of Life were lowered to half their present Price; as 8 Shillings would then purchase as much as 16 will now do, which is at least a third more than their present Wages of 10 or 12 Shillings will now purchase; so Labour would then really be about 1/3 Part more valuable than it is now, though its Rate at the same time be lowered about 1/3 Part also.
But if we would really effect this, we must undoubtedly, as fast as possible, improve such large Tracts of waste Land, as will employ all the Hands, Trade, and Manufactures will possibly suffer to be employed this Way; for a Nation is a great Body of People, and if we would do things they may all feel the good Effects of, we must do great things indeed; and a very great Thing it will be to reduce the Price of necessaries half, which, I think, I have shewn to be absolutely needful to reduce the present Rates of Labour, and at the same time supply the labouring People with the Things needful to that Station of Life, and thereby make so much more Business amongst others, without which, Trade in general cannot flourish, because all Trade depends solely on the Consumption; and yet, I think it appears, by what I have said, that Trade will flourish, before the Poor will find in their Power to attain the Supplies I wish them, since the Labour of the Poor is the Wealth of the Rich; and if it was unreasonable to muzzle the Ox that trod the corn, what Name shall I give the Measures that render it so difficult for the Bulk of Mankind,(17*) to answer the great End of Life, that of raising Families to stand in their Room when they are removed, as all soon must be to give Place to succeeding Generations?
But there is another Thing, which would mightily contribute to the Reduction of Labour, which is, the bringing Fish out of the Sea at such cheap Rates, as that the Poor might be induced, by its being cheaper than Meat, to make it a good Part of their common Food; and as we are inviron'd by the Sea, which will furnish never the less, how much soever we fetch thence; beside, that this Food requires no Land, except to grow the Timber, etc. to build the Vessels with; and this Food is no sooner caught, but it is fit for Use, and therefore requires neither the Time nor Labour, that all other Food Mankind use requires, to raise, and fit it for Use; I say, since we are inviron'd with the Sea, we might certainly bring Fish so cheap to a Multitude of inland Places, if the Charge of catching them, and carriage could be very much lessened, as would make it a much larger Part of the Food of the common People than it is.
But though this will, in the first Place, somewhat depend on the Reduction of Labour, yet I apprehend it to depend as much at least on making Timber so plentiful, that, if possible, the Charge of the Vessels they fish with, may be lessened about half in building, and fitting them to Sea; for the greatest Part of the Price of Fish, is constituted of the Charge of building and maintaining the fishing Vessels and Tackle, together with the Interest of the Sums such Vessels, etc. cost, which are employed in the Fishery. Wherefore could these Charges be considerably lessened, which a great Plenty of Timber, etc. with somewhat cheaper Rate of Labour would certainly effect, we might make Sea Fish so much cheaper Food than Meat, as would contribute very much to lowering the Price of Provisions in general, and might hereby support a much greater Number of People on less Land than we can otherwise do; and it's certain the Dutch, who have about two Millions and an half of People, upon about a Million of Acres of Land, do by this Means, besides others, very much contribute to the supporting such a vastly greater Number of People in respect of their small Territory, than we, who have but about eight Million of People, and hardly less than Twenty Millions of Acres now in Use to support them;(18*) besides, that such an Encouragement to our Fishery would be a most useful Nursery for able Seamen, and a Benefit in respect of our Exportation of Fish, greater than I shall attempt to represent.
But this Estimate further shews, that the fit Rule to judge and determine when the Necessaries of Life should be denominated cheap or dear, is solely that of the general Earnings or Wages of the labouring People,which undoubtedly ought to be such as will procure so many of those Things as are needful to support such Families, as is the Lot of many of the labouring People to have. From hence therefore we may also see, when Money is, or is not sufficiently plentiful amongst the People in general, or which is equivalent thereto, when there is, or is not Land enough in Use to support them, for hence only can these Things be brought and kept near together, as is absolutely needful to put the Affairs of the World, and Condition of Mankind in the best and happiest Situation they can possibly be in.
For whilst a Mechanick, or labouring Man can't possibly earn so much, as will provide decently for a middling Family, suitably to that low Rank of Life; it's plain, Money, which is the sole Medium of procuring any Thing in Effect, that they is not Land enough in Use to support them, and consequently, there is in this Case, so much less Business and Employment amongst the People in general, than there ought to be; whence the Distress of great Numbers is unavoidable: And Gentlemen should consider, if 7/8 of the People must labour under the Penury this Estimate holds forth to them, what a Probability here is, that many of their own Offspring, in a Generation or two, if not much sooner, will find themselves in no better Circumstances.
And hence I can't help reflecting how good human Nature is, that can support under the Hardships, we, by the Estimate, see the Bulk of Mankind lies under; which Hardships, I think, I have now sufficiently shewn, cannot be any Way justly attributed to the all-wise and infinitely gracious Creator, but solely to those, who for want of thus looking thro' the Nature of Things, and from a mistaken judgment, that the more Money they receive for their Estates, the richer they are (the contrary of which I have proved) do prevent the People from thus continually proceeding in the Business of Cultivation and Tillage, whence alone every thing they have is derived, and whence only whatsoever they want can be supplied, and whence all the Employment and Trade of the World do proceed; and to which End it was, that Man was sent into the World, as I shall further confirm, by the Authority of the Holy Scriptures, Gen. iii, 23. Therefore the Lord God Sent him forth to till the Ground whence he was taken.
But I shall proceed to shew from Fact, that it is the Interest of the landed Gentlemen to cause so much more Land to be added and improved, as will effect the Things I am aiming at, by comparing the present Rents of Lands, and Prices of Necessaries, with the Rents of Lands, and Prices of Necessaries some Centuries ago.
Now though the Rents of Lands are very different, according as the Soil or Situation is better or worse,(19*) yet it's certain the present Rents of Lands in general are hardly four times as much as they were about four Centuries ago; but the Prices of Necessaries differ vastly: For the Price of the fat Ox, which was a Noble, is now about 10 or 12 Pounds; the fat Sheep, which was 6 Pence, is now about 16 Shillings; the fat Goose, which was 2 Pence, is now about 3 Shillings; the fat Pig, which was 1 Penny, is now about 4 Shillings; the Price of 6 Pidgeons, which was 1 Penny, is now about 1 Shilling and 6 Pence; and Wheat, which was 2 Shillings per Quarter, is now about 24 or 26 Shillings per Quarter; and all other Things differ in such Proportion. Whence it appears, these Things are now higher in Price then they were then, from about 20 to 30 Times and upwards, except Wheat which I suppose Eras. Phillips, Esq; in his State of the Nation, etc. Page 52, accounts for, where he says, It's observable, Corn hath not risen in proportion to other Commodities, because by a new-fashioned Industry the same quantity of Ground is more productive than it was. Therefore it's plain in fact that Gentlemen are vast Losers by this Advance of their Rents, since they, in common with all other Consumers, now pay on the Par above 20 times as much for every thing as was paid for the same Things about four Centuries ago, whilst their Rents are not above four times as much as they were then; therefore it must be mightily for the Interest of the landed Gentlemen, to cause Land enough to be added and improved, to put Trade into a flourishing State, since it must be equally certain, that every thing will fall, as it's certainly Fact, every thing is risen in so much greater Proportion than the Rents have been raised.
But I can't pass over this Fact without remarking, that it must be beneficial to Trade, that our Princes, Nobility, and Gentry, should wear the richest Gold and Silver Cloathing, and use such Utensils, and adorn their Palaces and Houses with these shining Metals, as much as the Revenues of the Crown, or Income of the Estates of the Nobility and Gentry will admit; only with this Difference, that crowned Heads may layout this Way, whatever the Extent of their Revenues will allow; but the Nobility and Gentry must act in this, with such Regard to their Families, that they may all be properly provided for, whilst the Heir only should fill up such splendid Appearances.
The Reason of which is this, that it appears plainly from this Discourse, that as the Gold and Silver (i.e. Money) increases in greater Proportion than the People increase, so will the Prices of every thing advance, and that in much greater Proportion than the Rents will or can rise; wherefore it can't but be beneficial even for Trade, that as much of these Metals be used in Splendor, as is consistent with the abovementioned Circumstances; because by thus keeping so much of those Metals out of Trade, the more just Distinction will it keep up amongst the several Ranks and Stations of Men,(20*) whilst at the same time it will give so much greater Employment, and that in the most nice and curious Arts, to Mechanicks, etc. and prevent our Markets from rising so high, as to hinder the Exportation of our Commodities, or give too great Encouragement to the Importation of foreign Goods.
I am induced to make this Remark, from the Practice of the East-Indians, who, as I have often heard, carry this Matter so far, as to bury the Money they get by Trade; as E. Phillips, Esq; Page 7 also says, that they have since the Year 1602, buried above 150 Millions of Silver, which hath been brought into Europe.(21*)
'Tis by this Practice they keep all their Goods and Manufactures at such low Rates, that all Europe thinks it not only worth while to trade with them, but to carry prodigious Quantities of Silver(22*) to purchase their Commodities, whilst our Goods cannot possibly find much Vend with them, being so much dearer than theirs, as we see the Great Circulation of Gold amongst us, makes our Goods in respect of the Prices of theirs, who this Way prevent the Money they gain by Trade from raising the Prices of their Commodities.
Thus will they not always preserve the Balance of Trade in their Favour, but make many other Nations carry their Money to them; besides what Use they may make of such immense Wealth, if any Exigence or Design should oblige them to use it; which Wealth is as many times more powerful to them than it would be to us, as the Wages of their labouring People are lower than ours.
But an Objection arises here, which though it allows, that if all the Things our Gentry consume and use were our own natural Produce, they would, as I have proved, be the richer for executing this Proposal; yet since they consume so many foreign Goods, as perhaps constitute half their Expence, viz. Teas, Sugars, Fruits, Linens, Cambrick, Laces, Wines, etc. the Prices of which depend so much on what they cost at the Places they are brought from, that they can receive but little Alteration by the Execution of this Proposal; the Gentry therefore will not be the richer for such a Reduction of Labour, and Prices of our natural Produce, as would hereby be effected.
To which I answer, That all Nations have some Commodities peculiar to them, which therefore are undoubtedly designed to be the Foundation of Commerce between the several Nations, and produce a great deal of Employment by maritime Affairs, etc. for Mankind, which probably, without such Peculiarities, could not be; and in this Respect, I suppose we are distinguished, as well as other Nations; and I have before taken Notice, that if one Nation be by Nature more distinguished in this Respect than another, as they will by that Means gain more Money than such other Nations, so the Prices of all their Commodities and labour will be higher in such Proportion, as my fourth Maxim demonstrates; and consequently, they will not be a Jot the richer or more powerful for having more Money than their Neighbours.
But if we import any kind of Goods cheaper than we can now raise them, which otherwise might as well be raised at home; in this Case, undoubtedly, 'tis indispensibly necessary for us to practice the Method I prescribe, which is the only one, by which we ever can be enabled to raise all such Commodities at home, and thereby furnish so many new Branches of Employment and Trade for our own People, and remove the Inconvience of receiving any Goods from abr which we can any ways raise on as good Terms our selves; and as this should be done to prevent every Nation from finding their Account with us, by any such Commodities whatsoever, so this would more effectually shut out all such foreign Goods than any Law can do.
And as this is all the Prohibition and Restraint, whereby any foreign Trade should be obstructed, so if this Method be continually observed and practised, as it most certainly ought, our Gentry would find themselves the richer, notwithstanding their Consumption of such other foreign Goods, as being the Peculiarities of other Nations, we may be obliged to import. For if, when we have increased our Produce to so great a Degree, as to reduce the Rates of Labour considerably too, and have thereby enabled ourselves to raise many Kinds of Goods, which we now import, cheaper than we now import them, which is the necessary Consequence of executing this Proposal; I say, when we have thus raised all we can at home, and thereby put our Trade into a flourishing State, the Goods we import after this is done, being cheaper than we can raise such Goods ourselves, which they must be, or we shall not import them; I say, it's plain the Consumption of any such Goods cannot occasion so great an Expence, as they would if we could shut them out, by an Act of Parliament, to raise them ourselves. If therefore it would be true, as the Objection allows, that the Gentry would be the richer for executing this Proposal, if all the Goods they consume and use were the natural Produce of our own Country, they must be so, notwithstanding their Consumption of any Quantity of foreign Goods, which we can import and sell at cheaper Rates than we can possibly raise them ourselves; for none but such cheaper foreign Goods, can ever find a Vend in any Nation, except they be the Peculiarities of other foreign Nations; to which I have given a full Answer above.
From hence therefore it must appear, that it is impossible any body should be the poorer, for using any foreign Goods at cheaper Rates than we can raise them ourselves, after we have done all we possibly can to raise such Goods as cheap as we import them, and find we cannot do it; nay this very Circumstance makes all such Goods come under the Character of the Peculiarities of those Countries, which are able to raise any such Goods cheaper than we can do; for they will necessarily operate as such.
8thly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal, is the only Means by which Property can be reasonably and sufficiently diffused amongst all Ranks of People. For whilst the working People have not sufficient and full Employment,(23*) their Labour, like all other Things, whose Quantity is greater than the Demand for them, must be disposed of below its true and just Value; which I have shewn is, or ought to be, as near as possible, so much as will produce a comfortable Subsistence for a Family, suitable to that Rank of Life: Now so long as these in general work so considerably below this Point, that their Wages are generally insufficient to support such a Family, as the Estimate supposes them to have, Property is evidently not so much diffused, as in the Nature and Reason of Things it ought to be; which will necessarily be attended with many Kinds of Evils, in Proportion to the Degree, which the working Peoples Wages fall short of the Point abovementioned: For hence the Wealthy having the working Peoples Labour and Skill so much too cheap, do not only engross that Property, in which the labouring People have a just and natural Right, so far as their Wages fall short of the End aforesaid, but they hereby accumulate a great deal of Wealth, in which the middling People have a reasonable and natural Property; and many of them who understand Trade, are enabled by the Force of such unequal Wealth, to trade on Terms too low to admit many of the middling People to get a Livelihood, suitable to their Rank and Station: For instance, suppose a Man in Trade worth 10000 l. and the Reduction of Interest hath actually brought too many such into several Retail Trades; I say, suppose such a one, in order to turn his Stock once in the Year, will vend his Goods at 10 per cent profit, this will produce 1000 l. per annum; now let another in the same Way of Trade worth 1000 l. sell at the same Rate (as he must, or have very little Business) and let him be supposed (because a less Stock may commonly be oftener return'd than a greater) to turn his Stock twice a Year; which, since giving Credit is become so general, is as often as such a Stock in Retail Trade can generally be returned; this though it produces 20 l. per Cent on this Capital, or 200 l. per Annum, shall hereafter be shewn to be very insufficient to bear all Charges of Trade, and support a middling Family, so as it is undoubtedly reasonable such a Family should live, for whose Support 1000 l. of their own Money is employed in Trade: Whilst the other making 10 per Cent on his large Capital, may still more and more encrease it, at the same time that he is bringing on the Ruin of many that have but middling Capitals. Hence therefore it must appear, that not only the labouring Mechanicks, but many of the middling People must with them be dispossessed of that Property, which their Rank in Life, and the Good of the Community, naturally intitle them too, for that Community will always be most powerful, and most happy, that abounds most with middling People; and as there is no Means, by which Property can be diffused amongst the People in general, except that I am pointing out, so I think it self-evident, that this Means cannot fail of diffusing Property, amongst all Ranks of People, to such a Degree, as that all, that will be industrious, and careful, may be comfortably supported according to the several Ranks and Stations, in which Providence may think fit to cast them; and whenever Property is thus diffused, it is not only sufficiently diffused, but involves all the Happiness the Nature of Things is capable of producing to mankind; so that whatever Difference there shall then be in the Circumstances, Conditions, and Ranks of Men, they will only be such as the Author of Nature designed, and such as are inseparably connected with civil Government, in which there must necessarily be high and low, as long as Government subsists.
9thly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal, is the only natural or possible Means, by which Luxury, so far as it is injurious to Society, can be removed.
I don't call that State, Equipage, or Way of Living, which is suitable to the Rank or Condition of a man, Luxury hurtful to Society, how pompous soever, if it be contained within the Limits of his Estate, to such a Degree, a will admit of his making such Provision for his Family, as his Rank and Dignity requires; for I think such State and Way of Living necessary and useful to Society, whilst it's confined within the Bounds aforesaid.
Therefore as that Man only can be called luxurious, in a Sense hurtful to Society, who exceeds these Bounds; so a Nation only can be said to be luxurious, when the People too generally exceed in this Respect. That this may possibly be the Case of a Nation, I shall take for granted, and admit, that one must be reduced to Distress, as sure as the other.
Now the Cause of such general or national Luxury, is solely owing to too great an Inequality of Property, by which too many are enabled to live excessively splendid, whilst the rest, having much less than they want, are too much depress'd and sunk; so that whilst one Side are almost adored for their Wealth, the other are almost abhorred for their Poverty; and as this makes the Gap much too wide between these Extreams, it can't be expected, but that the adored Part of Mankind will necessarily be imitated, beyond proper Limits, by most of those between these Extreams; and this compleats the Notion of Luxury hurtful to Society.
But were Property to be so diffused, as I have shewn it may and ought, the Labour, etc. of the People would not come on Terms so unreasonably low, as to support such Excess on the one Hand, or to depress and sink the rest too much on the other: Nay, diffusing Property as aforesaid, will not only remove Luxury so far as it is hurtful to Society, but will in general extinguish all Kinds of Vice together with it. For this too great Inequality of Property, I have now represented, is the sole Source, whence they all spring; and Solomon, the wisest of Men, hath determined this of the Poor, who are the Bulk of Mankind, when he says, as in the Motto I have chosen to this Essay; The Destruction of the Poor is their Poverty. But sure, Destruction was never justly attributed to any other Cause than Vice; wherefore Poverty and Vice must according to Solomon be necessarily connected; and, I think, Excess of Affluence must be so too, since it is but changing Solomon's Determination to the other Extream.
But that I may fully prove, that the Execution of this Proposal will certainly remove Luxury, so far as it's hurtful to Society, which is all the Concern we need in the present Case have about it; I assert, that a middling Family in London, will in a very moderate Way of Living, in the middling Station of Life, require about 400 l. per Annum to maintain and make Provision for them, as by a subsequent Estimate shall be made appear: Now this Sum is undoubtedly as much more than the People in the middling Rank of Life can generally get, as the Wages of the labouring People are less than the Estimate for such a Family shews to be needful; therefore I insist, as I have before shewn, that if the Produce of the Ground were augmented about half, the Wants of the People are great enough to consume it all, and that without living in the least luxuriously; since by both Estimates it appears, only necessary Things are allowed for the two Stations of Life, in which almost all Mankind are included. For the Number of those above the lower and middling Stations, are undoubtedly few in Comparison to the Numbers, which must be included within the bounds of these Estimates: If therefore the Produce of the Earth would be wanted and consumed, though it were augmented to so great a Degree as half; and if, as I have before shewn, it is perhaps not possible to increase it so much; and if, however, what we can do to augment it makes Plenty, and the Nature of Plenty be such as necessarily to bring those Things into the Power of the middling and lower People, who are those only that stand in need of them; if these Things are so, how is it possible there should be any general or national Luxury amongst the People, since we can't make the Earth produce so much as will support or cause it? Nay, since the Method of increasing the Produce, naturally and necessarily diffuses the Increase amongst the lower and middling People who alone want it; it must be plain, that this must remove Luxury, so far as it's hurtful to Society; and also, that Luxury is founded in too great an Inequality of Property, as I have asserted: And hence also it must appear, that Luxury is not the Cause but the Effect of a Decay of Trade, since a Decay of Trade is nothing else but the Bulk of the Peoples wanting many Things, which they ought to have, and which, for want of sufficient Employment and Business, it is out of their Power to procure.
10thly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal, will prevent too great a Reduction of the Interest of Money; because the continual inclosing and improving so much waste Land, as will be needful for the Purposes laid down in this Essay, will not only make abundance of Estates to be purchased, which are now not worth one fourth, perhaps, of what they will be when improved, but will raise such vast Quantities of Produce, and consequently Manufactures, to invest that Money in, which the Government may from Time to Time be paying off; which Money, if this Way be not provided for employing and investing it, must again come to Market to find Interest; whereby the Plenty of Money, seeking Interest, will be so great, that Interest must sink, or, which is equivalent, the Premiums on Money at Interest advance, in such Proportion as the Plenty of Money seeking Interest shall increase; which Premiums, with the Interest thereof, must in the End be lost, in consideration of receiving three or four per cent for a Time, instead of such Interest, as the Plenty of Money seeking Interest would naturally bear.
But the executing this Proposal is absolutely needful, as it is the only Means, whereby the Price of all Things can be lowered in such Proportion as the publick Securities shall be paid off: For these having now the Operation of Money, keep up the Price of all things in Proportion to their Quantity, which, as they shall from Time to Time be paid off and annihilated, will be found to have just the same Effect in lowering the Price of every thing, as as if the Nation had really lost so much Gold and Silver. And though I think this self-evident, yet I shall quote E. Phillips, Esq; to support me, who, Page 42, says, there can be no doubt, that in the Year 1750, or thereabout, when we may suppose the whole national debt paid off, and all the Paper Effects, which now have the Operation of Money, annihilated, all Goods will fall in their Price; because these Paper Effects being then sunk, their Operation must cease of Course. For as the Value of Commodities has risen, by the Increase of Gold and Silver within these 150 Years, so would they of Necessity fall in their Price, if our Golda nd Silver were considerably diminished; the Consequence must be the same, if there is a Diminution of that which hath the Operation of Money.
'Tis true, as he further says, That as the Taxes will be abated, as the national Debts are paid off, so the Prices of Goods will fall in Proportion to the Abatement of the Impost on them; yet this will by no means suffer the Prices of things to fall in Proportion to the sinking such a prodigious Value of Paper Effects, as at present operate with the full Force of Money amongst us; for these being several Times as great as our real Specie, must, by the aforesaid Rule, when sunk, make all Things fall in such Proportion, unless our real Specie can be augmented in the Interim to prevent it; and this, I doubt not, but it certainly will, if the Way I have pointed out, be heartily and sufficiently persued.
11thly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal, will enable the Government to reduce the national Debts, and ease the Taxes.
For as the Produce of the Earth, and Consumption thereof, will certainly be greatly encreased, which Things always go together, the Revenue must, I think, increase too; since the Malt Tax, Excise on Beer, Duty on Leather and Tallow, and whatever other Parts of the Produce are taxed, would evidently be as much augmented as the Produce and Consumption of these would be augmented; and if at the same time the Circumstances of the People will be generally amended, as I hope I have sufficiently made out; as they will thereby be better able to pay these and all other Taxes, so every thing being by the full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal made considerably cheaper, which will as certainly attend the Execution thereof, it's plain, the Government will be able to effect every thing with as much less Money as the Price of Labour and Goods of all Kinds will hence be reduced, and therefore will certainly have a Surplus of Revenue arising not only by the Augmentation thereof, but by being enabled to effect every thing, that they may have Occasion to do, with much less Sums than they can now effect those Things; and sure this Difference, which will certainly be very considerable, if sufficiently pursued, may be applied to reduce the national Debts, and ease the Taxes.
But perhaps it will be objected; that to effect this Proposal, the Land-tax will lessen with the Rents of Lands, whence the Revenue must in this Branch of it diminish. I answer; that most of the Counties are able, with 2/3 of the Tax on Land, to raise the Quota's assess'd on them. And Eras. Phillips, Esq: p. 44, supposes all the Lands in the Kingdom not to be assess'd at above half their Value; and if so, their Quotas, notwithstanding the Fall of Rents, may be still kept up; but if we add the Land-tax, that may be further raised on so great an Addition of Land, as much every Year be further put into Use and cultivated, to hold the needful Proportion to the natural Increase of Mankind, and effect the Things I am contending for; this Addition of the Land-tax will, undoubtedly, contribute so much to the preventing any Diminution of this Branch of the Revenue, that, I think, we need have no Apprehensions about this Matter. And if the People will encrease as Trade is relieved and enlarged, which is a Truth known even to a Maxim, there can be no doubt that the Revenue will certainly, in the whole, soon be augmented, and also in this Branch of it.
But because the Land, that shall be further put to Use, will be more in Proportion in some Counties than others, perhaps this may make a new Assessment of the Land-tax needful; which therefore in such Case should be done.
I can't dismiss this Head without shewing that if all the Taxes were taken off Goods, and levied on Lands and Houses only, the Gentlemen would have more nett Rent left out of their Estates, than they have now the Taxes are almost wholly levied on Goods.
The national Debt is supposed to be near 50 Millions; the Interest of which, at 4 per cent is two Millions: And I further suppose, two Millions more may be near as much as is raised for the current Service of the Year, in these times of Peace; this together makes four Million per annum, which must be raised nett for the Government.
The Rental of the Kingdom, though it's at present assess'd but at 10, is well known to be 20 millions per annum;(24*) so that if the Land were fully assess'd (as it certainly ought if it can be proved that the Land must pay all the Taxes, however the Manner of collecting them be varied) four Shillings in the Pound would raise the whole Supply of four Millions, except the Charge of collecting it, which by way of Land-tax being found to be but about 6 Pence in the Pound, or 2 1/2 per cent will make but 100,000 l. more.
But let us see what it will cost the nation to raise four Millions per annum on Goods.
I suppose we have hardly less than 15,000 Persons employed, in the Kingdom, and upon the Coasts thereof, to collect, mange, and look after the revenue in every Respect, besides a considerable Number of Vessels; the Charge of which, and Salaries of all these Officers of every Class, together with the Perquisites they receive from the People, which affect the Price of Goods just as if it were all nett Duty paid into the Treasury; all these Charges taken together, I suppose, may very moderately be rekoned equal to 100 l. per Annum, at a Medium, for each of those Persons. so that the Nation is thus necessarily put to a Million and an half Charge by these Officers; and if we suppose the Duties on Goods, and the Charge of collecting them, to be equal to 1/6 of the gross Value of them, then the gross Value will at this Rate be 33 Millions. Now since those that disburse the Duties, and Charge of collecting them, must have a suitable Profit to every Hand through which the Goods pass to the Consumers, I will suppose these Profits to inhance the Value of the Goods to the Consumers 8 per cent(25*) this will occasion a further Charge to the Nation of 2,640,000 l. per annum. So that collecting four Millions for the Government on Goods, puts the Nation to above four Millions more Charge, than would be sufficient to raise the same Supply by way of Land-tax only. And I verily believe, I have not exceeded in any of my Suppositions; or if I have, I doubt not that I am still in the whole Charge enough within Compass, and that this Way of Reasoning is just.
But before I proceed to shew that this whole Charge of 8 Millions, which is equal to 8 Shillings in the Pound on the Rental of the Kingdom, will all fall ultimately on the Land, it is needful to shew that the Land gives all we have.
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