That the Land gives all we have, would be self-evident, if we did not import many Goods which are the Produce of other Nations: But this makes no Alteration in the Case; since the Quantity of foreign Goods we import, can't continually be of greater Value than the Goods we export, because this, in the End, must exhaust all our Cash, and so put an End to that Excess. Therefore the Goods we import stand only in Place, and in Stead of those we export; consequently the Land gives not only all we have of our own Produce, etc. but virtually all we receive from other Nations; since it produces and delivers, at least, a Quantity equal in Value to the Quantity of Goods we import. And as I have now proved that the Land gives all we have, notwithstanding the Importation of any Quantity of foreign Goods, I will next shew that it must pay all the Taxes, levy them how we will. I might without going any further, insist on it, as a self-evident Principle, that that which gives all must pay all; but I will shew how this comes to pass in this Case. It hath been laid down as a certain Principle, That the Price of Goods to the Consumers in general, depends on, and is governed by, and will always be more or less, according as the Quantity of Cash circulating amongst the People is more or less, in Proportion to their Numbers.
And as the Rents of Lands depend also on this Principle, I will shew what the Rents of Lands will be in Consequence thereof.
Now the Rents of Lands can be no greater (nay they ought not to be so great) than the Overplus which remains to the Farmers, after all charges, together with their own Subsistence, are deducted out of the Price or sum, the Produce of the Land they rent fetches at Market; and Experience shews, the Rents of Lands will always be very near as much as this, since the Farmers in general, as well as every body else, find it as much as they can well do to pay their Rents. But to proceed.
Suppose the Cash, amongst the People in general, to be what it now is; and that all the Taxes were taken off Goods; it's evident, this would not, in the End, lower the Price of Goods to the Consumers; since that Price, by the Principle laid down, depends on the Quantity of Money circulating amongst the People: But if the Duties were taken off Goods, they must cost as much less than they do now, as the Taxes now on them, with the Charges of collecting, etc. now inhance them; therefore, I think, if the Taxes were taken off Goods, and laid on Lands and Houses only, so much more Money must in this Case come to the Hands of the Farmers for the Produce of the Ground, as would enable them to pay as much larger Rents than they now can do, as would double the Land-tax, if the whole supply were raised this Way only: and this I conclude must be so, because the Charge of collecting the Duties on Goods is, as hath been shewn, about equal to the nett Supply for the Government, whilst the Charge of collecting the Supply by Way of Land-tax, doth not exceed 1/40 Part of the Charge of collecting in on Goods, as hath also been shewn.
But that I may make it evident that the Taxes, and all Charges which attend collecting them on Goods, must lessen the Rents as much as they amount to, I reason thus: The Produce of the Ground, when fitted for the Consumer, fetches a certain Sum of Money, out of which all charges, from the raising it out of the Earth to the fitting it for the Consumer, must be deducted, together with the Taxes, and all Charges they occasion by collecting them; and the Overplus, after these are all deducted, is all the Rent that can possibly be paid.
Now if the Taxes, and Charges they occasion in collecting them on Goods, be equal to 7, 8 or 9 Shillings in the Pound on the Rental of the Kingdom, these, which deduct so much out of the Price which the Goods fetch of the Consumers, must deduct it ultimately out of the Rent. And if every thing will always find its true Value, which is a known Maxim in Trade, Land, which is most valuable of all Things, because it gives all Things, must do so; there if the Taxes were all taken off Goods, the Land would necessarily bear so much higher Rents, as the Taxes subtract from the Price of the Goods it produces; and this will clearly appear, by shewing in what Manner taking the Taxes off Goods will operate, to bring the whole Amount of them into the Landlords Pockets for Rent.
If the Taxes were taken off Goods, they would come cheaper, and Cheapness would increase the Consumption, as Cheapness of every thing always doth; and that Increase of the Consumption would increase the Demand for those Things. Now since every thing is the Produce of the Ground, the Demand for the Produce would increase the Demand for Land, and that would necessarily raise the Rent, even till all the Money now paid for Taxes, together with all the charge they are necessarily attended with, would come into the Landlords Pockets for Rent. Thus if the Taxes were taken off Goods, the Landlords would receive 8 or 9 Shillings in the Pound more Rent than they now do, if the Taxes on goods do any way amount to so much; and if 4 Shillings in the Pound or thereabouts would, as hath been shewn, raise the whole Supply for the Government, the Landlords would receive more Rent, by 4 Shillings in the Pound on their whole Estates, after the Taxes are deducted, than they can do whilst the supply for the Government is raised on Goods.
Nor can this possibly be otherwise, unless the Money circulating amongst the People be not sufficient to augment the Rents so much: And though I allow it is not, yet I verily believe, if all the Taxes were taken off Goods, the Money we have would be found sufficient to augment the Rents, equal to the Taxes that would be needful to be laid on them; or, at least, that it would prevent any considerable Fall of the present Rents of Lands in general, even though so much Land were to be added and improved, as would be needful to answer the Purposes I am persuing in this Essay.
But perhaps it will be asked, if taking the Taxes off Goods will not in the End lower their Prices to the Consumers; as it certainly will not, because the Prices of all Commodities in general do necessarily depend on the Quantity of Money circulating amongst the People: I say, perhaps it will be asked, what Advantage the taking the Taxes off Goods will be to Trade? I answer, First, That all the Hands now employed in raising the Taxes on Goods, would be gained to contribute their Quota of Skill and Labour to encrease the publick Stock, who now, by living on the Publick, eat up so much of it as their whole Maintenance and Support amounts to, and thereby are at least a double Loss to the Nation of so much. And next, I say, that the Advantages that will arise to Trade by taking the Taxes off Goods, must be measured by the Inconveniencies which the Taxes on Goods occasion to Trade; and as these are felt by all to be prodigiously great, so the Advantages which will arise to Trade by taking the Taxes off Goods, must be found by all to be prodigiously great too, since they are Opposites that just equal each other.
And perhaps it may be asked, how the Price of Goods can be so strictly governed by the Quantity of Money circulating amongst the People, since the Prices of them frequently vary very much? I answer, that though the Seasons, and other Circumstances will indeed always vary the Prices of all Sorts of Things, yet it must be allowed that the Rise of Goods will necessarily lessen the consumption of them, and that the Cheapness of Goods will so much augment the Consumption of them, as in the Event to make the Effect the same, as if they were strictly and invariably governed by the Quantity of Money circulating amongst the People.
And perhaps it will be objected; that if all the Duties were taken off Goods, Goods imported would, in this Respect, have Preference to our own Goods, which in the End must pay both Rent and Taxes; but foreign Goods would in this Case pay neither.
In answer to which, I say; that since we must deliver Goods of our own Produce, equal in Value at least to those we import, as hath been shewn, the Goods we import should be deemed to have paid Rent and Taxes, since they stand only in lieu of others of equal Value, which have paid both.
I am induced to treat on this Way of raising the Taxes rather than on Goods, because it may seem difficult, if not impossible, to get Hands enough to go into Tillage, etc. to carry this Proposal to its Perfection; and also because I have before shewn, that Trade, manufactures, etc. will probably not be able to spare so many Hands, since the Demand for them will certainly cause better Wages to be given to Artificers, and Manufactures, etc. than Plowing and Sowing will ever do: For Plowing, and Sowing, etc. reduce the Rates of Labour; but a Demand for Artists in the Manufactures always raises the Rates of Wages; therefore these will always, of themselves, draw the working People to them, if they are wanted.
And hence I conclude it needful, in order to carry this Proposal as far towards the End proposed, as the Nature of Things will admit, that the Taxes should be as gradually taken off Goods, and all the Officers in the publick Revenue, as gradually discharged, as this Proposal can be executed; that they may get their Livelihood in such a Way as will increase the publick Stock of Plenty, and that we may have none to succeed to live on the Labour of the Industrious, as Multitudes always must,(26*) as long as any Taxes are raised on Goods.
This Reasoning holds as to our Laws; which are multiplied almost to Immensity, but ought to be reduced to so small a Volume, and be so clear and easy, that the meanest Subject may know the Laws of his Country as well as the greatest. This is the Case in Denmark, and might be the same here; and then a vast Number of Hands would be gained to contribute to the Good of Society, in a Way congruous to the Circumstances of Mankind.
And as to the Practitioners in Physick, I am sure many of them must get their Livelihood this useful Way, because most of the Diseases and Vices which Mankind are so generally over-run with, will be prevented: For industry, and every social Virtue will certainly take Place,and remove those Vices and Corruptions, which have drawn in such prodigious Numbers, as this Profession is so horribly surcharged with.
And many of those who (for want of this useful Way to employ them) are now brought up to Divinity, would soon find the Way to be more usefully employed for their own Comfort and Support, than the Generality of that Profession now are, or ever can be, till such a Demand for their Skill and Industry is produced, as the full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal alone can effect. For can it be imagined, that if so much Business could be made as I am aiming at, such a vast Number as now follows this Profession, the Generality of whom are not only insufficiently but scandalously rewarded, would not prefer the Profit, which, in every Employ, must be necessarily connected with such a Quantity of Business, as leaves it doubtful whether Hands sufficient can be found to perform and transact it?
As to the Sword, I would have every Person in the Kingdom trained to all the needful military Exercises, in the utmost Perfection, and that from their earliest Capacity to receive any such Instructions; which, I am sure, would as effectually preserve us from the unjust Attacks of our Neighbours, as any Body of mercenary Forces we can maintain will ever do. And, I think, we should be less liable to make any unjust Attacks on our Neighbours, in this Case; since Men will not easily be induced to leave their Families and Livelihoods, to carry War and Destruction to those that have not made it necessary. But War seems now a civil Game, to divert Princes, and employ the numerous Troops they keep in Arms; whilst it is become so general a Practice to keep a standing Force, that they are almost become necessary even to free Kingdoms and States.
But if, after all, it should be found true, that we can't get Hands enough into Tillage, etc. to carry this proposal compleatly to the End I am aiming at, yet this must itself be a cogent Reason for carrying this Mater as far as may be; since it is infinitely for the Happiness of Mankind, rather to want Hands to do all the work that may arise, than to have such a vast number of hands to spare, as are now degenerated into Vagabonds, relieved by the Publick, or almost perishing for want of Work enough to render Labour so valuable, as to be a sufficient, fit and natural Motive to make them industrious.
But, besides this Difficulty of wanting Hands sufficient to execute this Proposal effectually, 'tis objected, that the working People will not now work above 3 or 4 Days in a Week, but get drunk the other 2 or 3 days; and that this would be worse, if Necessaries were rendered so cheap as I am contending for. In answer to which I must observe, that Necessaries can't be rendered so cheap, as I am aiming at, without employing more of the labouring Peoples Time and Labour, to raise such a Plenty of them as may make them cheaper. Nor can there be this additional Employment for their Time and Labour, till the Reduction of the Price of Necessaries shall not only be this Way attempted, but proceeded in: If therefore I can prove that, notwithstanding the working People do waste a great deal of their Time, they nevertheless do Work enough, and too much too, as Things now stand; and that they would do more, if it were provided in a Way that would encourage their Industry; I hope no such Stress ought to be laid on this Objection, as to hinder the Execution of this Proposal.
And, First, I say the working People do work enough; because there is always such a Plenty of all Kinds of Goods in the Hands of the Venders, that the Consumers can always buy what they want. This being undeniably true, shews that the working People, who alone make all these, do Work enough; the End of making them being to supply the Wants of the Consumers.
Again, I say, if it is become a Custom to hawk Goods about, to such an extraordinary Degree, that the Traders and Shopkeepers in most Parts of the Kingdom have petition'd the Parliament to have it prevented, because it disabled many of them to live, and pay their Rents, as they justly alledge; then there is not only Work enough, but too much done; since it hurts both the Traders, and Landlords of Houses, by a greater Plenty of Goods than those who should be the Consumers of them are able to purchase: For this too great Plenty of Goods is the sole Foundation of Hawking them.
The like may be said of giving any considerable Credit, either as to Sums or Time. I wish I could say, the Plenty of the Necessaries of Life was as great as the Plenty of all other Things always is: But this is so far otherwise, that but 4 or 5 Years ago, many Thousands of Poor, in several Parts of the Kingdom, were forced to live on such unwholesome Trash, as introduced a Distemper little less than Pestilential, and almost, if not altogether as fatal to them; whole Families being frequently swept away by it in a few Days, and probably many were actually starved to Death. See Mr Richard Bradley's Philosophical Enquiry into the late severe Winter, and Scarcity and Dearness of Provision.
Again, if there be any flagrant Marks of a Decay of Trade upon us (and I will presently produce enough of them) then there is evidently more Work done, than either our domestick or foreign Trade doth require, let the Time wasted by our working People be what it will: For a decay of Trade, and a sufficient Demand for the Goods we make, are incompatible Things.
But I shall offer an Instance, to shew that the working People can and will do a great deal more Work than they do, if they were sufficiently encouraged. For I take it for a Maxim, that the People of no Class will ever want Industry, if they don't want Encouragement: The Truth of which is as certain and undeniable, as that the Consumer, if he had money to pay for ti, and was willing to buy, never yet went entirely without any staple Commodity whatsoever, or indeed without any other common thing he wanted. And if the labouring People do so much Work under the discouraging Wages, which I have shewn, are not equal to 2/3 of the necessary Charge of a middling Family; what might we not expect, if they were animated by a sufficient Supply, and those Temptation removed, which I have shewn, are the greatest Snares to them, and which I think would certainly in a great Measure be remov'd, if this Proposal were to be executed?
The Instance I shall produce, to prove that the working People can and will do a great deal more Work than they do,if they were somewhat better incouraged, shall be that of a general Mourning for the Death of a Prince.
The Charge brought against the working People, as above, shews that they don't want Time to do a great deal more Work than they do; and a Time of general Mourning for a Prince necessarily requires abundance of Goods to be made in a very short time, besides the considerable Stock we may suppose to be in Hand, towards supplying the extraordinary Demand of such Occasions; and we know the Weavers, Dyers, Taylors, etc. do at such Times work almost Night and Day, only for the Encouragement of somewhat better Pay and Wages, which an extraordinary Demand for any Goods is necessarily connected with; and if this can be carried so far, as to cloath so great a Part of the People of the Kingdom in so short a time, as we usually see them put themselves in Mourning on such Occasions, it must be plain that the working People not only can, but would do a great deal more Work than they do, if they were but somewhat better encouraged by their Wages to do so.
Lastly, The full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal is the only natural Way to extend Dominion, and introduce Liberty amongst Mankind. For wherever so much Land is continually put to use, as will call for all Land is continually put to use, as will call for all the Hands, Trade, and Manufactures will suffer to employ themselves this Way, as this will necessarily give full employment to all the People, and make such Plenty of every Thing, that the meanest of the People will certainly find a comfortable Subsistence for themselves and Families, so it will infallibly draw the People out of every Nation round us, that doth not attend to this Point in the same Degree; and consequently cause the People to forsake every arbitrary and oppressive Government, to find such a Settlement, as the Business so much Land continually added and improv'd will necessarily provide for them.
'Tis true, this will in time fill this Island with Inhabitants, and improve every Spot of Ground in it. And I suppose it must be this Way that Benjamin Motte Computes that the People may be doubled, in so short a Time as 24 or 25 Years: If this be not the Way, I am not able to conjecture how so great an Increase of People should arise, in the small Space he assert they may be doubled and quadrupled; for I am sure the natural Increase of Mankind will require a vastly longer Term, only to double in.
But however, if my 9th and 10th Principles are true, and I think them self-evident, then the full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal must be a great Advantage to the Government, by increasing the Number and Riches of their Subjects, and their Revenues together with them, which Things are inseparably connected. Nay, this matter ought most certainly to be carried so far as to fill Ireland with Inhabitants, by granting for a considerable Term, on small Acknowledgments, a proper Quantity of any waste Land, that any Person shall choose, and be able to undertake the full Improvement of. And this, I think, these Kingdoms would soon become vastly more powerful; since 'tis probable, that in less than a Century there would be double the present Number of People found in them. Nor could this possibly fail, I think, unless the Nations round us, to prevent the Loss of their Subjects, should take the same Measures; and then the Increase of each Nation would be only such as the natural Increase of Mankind will produce. but this great Advantage wold arise to Mankind by this Means, that Happiness and Liberty wold be as general and extensive, as the Method I prescribe shall be practised.
And this may shew the Folly and Absurdity of making War, on the ambitious Principle of extending Dominion; since War, if it be continued a few Years, commonly ruins the Generality of the People of such Nations as are vanquish'd; as we know the late War did France; and what we who conquer'd got by it, the Taxes we at present groan under, and from which perhaps we shall never be reliev'd, will amply testify. But the Folly of making War, to extend Dominion, appears, in what War lays waste and depopulates Countries, and thereby puts such Nations to great and extraordinary Charges and Difficulties, to preserve and defend such unpeopled Territories from the easy Inr and Invasions of their Neighbours, who have as many more Opportunities of Entrance, as the extended unpeopled Territory of any Potentate doth necessarily afford.
If therefore it be absurd to make War to extend Dominion; I should say Territory, for that is all that can be got by it;(27*) and if, as I have before shewn, it be unnecessary on the Account of Trade also; it will follow that War, except in our own necessary Self-defence, is unnatural and wicked; since these ordinary Causes, viz. extending Dominion or Trade will not justify it.
Yet I think there is one Case, in which making War on other Nations may be justifiable, viz. Fighting for Territory when we are over-people, and want Land for them, which our Neighbours have, but will not part with on amicable and reasonable Terms. And as this, and necessary Self-defence is all the just Foundation War can ever have; so War for any other Causes is Murder, aggravated by the horrible Addition of all the Thousands that are destroy'd on both Sides. This must be so, because it's monstrous to imagine, the Author of the World hath constituted Things so, as to make it any Ways necessary for Mankind to murder and destroy each other: And yet he must have constituted Things thus monstrously, if War be necessary on any other Foundation whatsoever.
I will not proceed to shew, that the State of the Nation, in Respect of the Trade thereof, is really very different, and much worse than it was about the Year 1688.
Erasmus Phillips says, Page 15, that the Year above mentioned was perhaps the Time, when England was in Possession of the greatest Quantity of Wealth she ever did enjoy; She was then inrich'd with the Treasure she had been accumulating for about 150 Years; for so long we may date the Progress of Trade in this Nation. And Page 17, he says,As to the Specie of the Nation, the Recoining 3 Years afterwards makes that sum almost apparent as to the Silver; for from 1691 to 1697, there was brought to the London and Country Mints, 8,400,000 l. of clipt, light, and hammer'd Money, and in all Probability there might be a great Sum standing out. The mill'd Silver coin'd in King Charles IId, and King James IId's Reign, might be 2,200,000 l. so that we may suppose subsisting in Silver Money, at that Time, about 11 Millions, And the Gold we may reckon thus:
Coin'd in Queen Elizabeth's Time who reform'd most of the old Specie:
L. 1,500,000 Coin'd in King James Ist's Time
L. 800,000 Coin'd in King Charles Ist's Time
L. 1,723,456 And in the Reigns of King Charles IId, and King James IId.
L. 6,500,000 In all
L. 10,523,456
But allowing for Deficiencies and Wastes of all Kinds
L. 3,000,000 The Gold Specie then remains
L. 7,523,456 Silver Specie as above
L. 11,000,000 Total of the Specie circulating in the Nation about the Year 1688
L. 18,523,456
And Page 18, he says, There is Reason to believe this was the State of the Nation in Respect to Trade and Money in the Year 1688.
And I will endeavour to shew, that the Trade of the Nation had really stood on such a Foot, during the whole Period of the Coinage above set forth, that is was not likely we had thereby diminished any Part of the Specie abovemention'd, on which however so large a Sum as 3 Millions is allow'd for Deficiencies and Waste.
In the Year 1645 there were 7966 Christen'd, and 11479 Buried.
In the Year 1789 there were 14777 Christen'd and 23502 Buried.
The Christenings and Burials, then, being at the Year 1689, about double the Number they were at the Year 1645, makes it evident that the People in London and Westminister, etc. within the Bills of Mortality, were doubled in about 44 Years, notwithstanding that great Plague which happened in this Period. And Dr Nichols hath assured us, that the Country increased in the same Time, though not in the like, yet in a considerable Proportion.
Not since the Prices of all things in general were as high, if not higher, when the People were so much increased, than the Prices of the same Things in general were when the Number of the People were so much less (and this I shall take for granted as a Thing sufficiently known;) therefore, since we had at the Year 1688 no considerable national Debts, or Paper Effects operating as Money, and thereby inhancing the prices of things above the Rates which the Specie itself would support them at, as every Thing which hath the operation of Money, though it be not such, will never fail to do; I say, this could be only the Effect of a vast Increase of real specie circulating, which thus supported, if not raised the Number of People, as there was in London, etc. and in the Kingdom in general, or at about the Year 1688, above the Number there was about 44 Years before.
And since we (having no mines) could only have such an increase of specie arise, by the Balance of Trade being so mightily in our Favour, as to increase the Money so vastly in so short a time as about 44 Years; I think there can be no room to imagine, the Specie, coin'd as above, was at all lessen'd in this Period.
But it will still be a Question, whether the Specie was not diminish'd before the Year 1645; since the Beginning of the Coinage goes much further back. To which I answer, that is is well know that our Trade at 1645 was but of about 100 Years Date, and therefore I shall say it was but in its Youth. And as it is a Circumstance, always attending the Beginnings of foreign Trade in every Nation, to have the Balance in their Favour; because such Nations having no Mines, cannot have much Money amongst them,(28*) on which Account their Produce and Manufacturers must needs be low in their Price: And as this is the chief, if not the only Circumstance which lays the Foundation of the Exportation of the Commodities of any Country; so this being then our Case, must needs be the Means of increasing the Gold and Silver amongst us, from the Time of Reforming the old Specie by Queen Elizabeth, to the Time whence I begin that great Increase of the People. But further to establish this Point, give me Leave again to make use of Dr Nichols's Authority in the beforecited Place, where he says, "To consider further how mightily this Nation of ours hath increased within a Century or two, notwithstanding the many civil and external Wars, and those vast Drains of People that have been made into our Plantations since the Discovery of America." If the Nation did really increase so mightily within a Century or two, and it be an undeniable Fact that the Prices of Things advanced too during that Time, we must during that Time have had an Increase of the People and Prices of Things, as hath been before reason'd on this Point. Therefore I think it appears more than probable, that the Specie coin'd as above, was not diminish'd, but really circulating amongst us about the Year 1688.
Let us now see how different the State of the Nation, and consequently the Trade thereof, now is in this Respect.
The Cash of the Nation is by most People, so far as I can learn, esteem'd to be about 10 or 12 Millions. But Erasmus Phillips endeavours to she that it is(29*)
L. 15,000,000
And in his Preface, he says, the National Debt is 53 Millions, a sixth Part of which, he says, Foreigners are generally supposed to have; which, allowing the Debt to be now somewhat lessen'd, can hardly be put lower than(30*)
L. 8,000,000.
The Balance of Specie, which we may then call our own, will be
L. 7,000,000.
That is 11 millions and a half less than we had about the Year 1688.
Now whether this great Diminution of our Species be attributed chiefly to the vast Expence of King William and Queen Anne's Wars, as without doubt it must in a great degree; or that the balance of Trade since that Time hath been against us, and contributed to this Diminution; it's evident the State of the Nation, being now so vastly different in respect of real Specie we can call our own, must have a malignant Influence on our Trade; whilst the Prices of most Commodities and Necessaries of Life, by the Operation of Paper-Effects, are maintain'd at higher Rates than those Things bore before the Year 1688.
Therefore I conclude, Since we have so much less Specie we can call our own, and such a vast Value of Paper-Effects operating as Money, and are indebted to Foreigners such a great Sum, the Interest of which they are continually drawing from us, besides a vast national Debt; that the State of Trade is as much worse than it was in the Year 1688, as the State of the Nation is so: For the Relation between these are such,if rightly consider'd, that they ought to be esteem'd as but one and the same Thing, notwithstanding we seem to distinguish them by different Names.
Another Point, whence I argue that the Trade of this Nation is in a worse State than it was about the Year 1688, is the different Increase of the People since that Time to the Increase in the preceding 44 Years.
In the Year 1730, there were 17118 Christen'd and 26761 Buried.
In 1689, (which I stopt at,) 14777 Christen'd and 23502 Buried.
The difference increased is, Christen'd 2341 and Buried 3259, or about 1/7 Part of the Number of the Year 1689; which shews the Increase of the People since that Time to be about so much: Which being so far short of the preceding Period of 44 Years, shews that our Trade is in as much worse State, as the Increase is less in near the same Length of Time.
But the great Increase, in the before-mention'd 44 Years, will be greatly ascribed to the great Number of French Refugees, that came and settled here in that Period. But I think they could not have found a Settlement with us, if our Trade had not been in a very flourishing State, without improving so much waste Land as their Numbers required, and thereby reducing the Prices of our Produce and Manufactures in such Proportion: Whereas it's certain no such Fall happen'd, and therefore it follows we had so much greater Exports of our Produce and Manufactures, as were equal to the Imployment so great an Addition of Hands did require to support them. And the great Quantity of Money coin'd in this Period of doubling, which was perhaps equal to all we had before circulating amongst us, shews that this was the Case, since nothing but so much greater Exports than Imports, could have brought us such a Balance of Gold and Silver, or have supported the Prices of Things.
This therefore shews, that the Increase or Decrease of the People in any Nation, depends more on the Balance of Trade than on any other Consideration whatsoever. For where the Balance is considerably in favour of any Nation, there the People finding Employment do always flow; and contrarywise, if the Balance be considerably against a Nation, the People must foresake it; a melancholy Proof of which some of our Colonies do furnish, many People of all Degrees, if we can rely on our News-Papers, abandoning them. Nor can they ever be recover'd but by their raising Corn and Cattle, which includes almost every Thing, instead of their Staple of Sugar, etc. which they find will not produce enough of the Necessaries and Comforts of Life for all the People. But if they were to raise these necessary Things, and make them so plenty as to inable them to Work full as cheap as the French, who have now got the Staple of Sugars from them, and thereby that Trade from this Nation; our Plantations would soon bring that Staple back again, or at least come in for their Share in it, and all other Branches of Trade which their Soil and Climate are by Nature most adapted to.
And since I have digress'd so far about our Plantations, which I have done for their sakes, I must say, I can't think it good Policy to carry our People to them, whilst we have waste Land enough at home to improve and employ them; since by carrying the People away, we lose so many Consumers of our Produce, etc. and Occupiers of Rooms, if not of Houses; which necessarily brings a proportionable Loss to the Revenue with it, besides the Charge of transporting and settling them.
Instead of which, did we but cause the Trade of our Colonies to be put on such a Foot as I am pointing out, People enough would soon forsake arbitrary and oppressive Governments, to find so happy a Settlement, as such a State of Trade in our Plantations would of itself produce, and is necessarily connected with. And this I am as certain of, as that Mr Corbert in his Answer to the French King (Guardian No. 52) was certainly in the right, when he told his Majesty, That the People will never stay and starve in any Country, if they know of any other where they can subsist themselves comfortably.
Another Point, whence I argue the State of Trade to be worse than it formerly was, is the great Number of empty Houses, not only in the Suburbs and new Buildings, but in the Strand, Fleet-Street, Ludgatehill, Cheapside, and Cornhil: For I think Houses shut up in Cheapside and Cornhil, ar an unanswerable Proof of the bad State of Trade in this City; and I suppose, if the new Buildings were extended further than they are like to be, Cornhil could hardly be affected by them; since so long as the Royal Exchange stands there, and Ships can't sail thro' London Bridge, it should, I think, be the Seat of Trade, as it is certain it hath heretofore been. But how is its State of Trade alter'd! How many Milliners, Pastry-Cooks, and other inconsiderable Trades fill the Houses, where opulent wholesale Dealers dwelt, whilst several other Houses have been shut up for some Time! And to me it appears absurd, to impute this to any other Cause than the different State of the Trade of this Metropolis,(31*) which I shall always regard as an Index of the State of Trade of the whole Kingdom.
I have before taken Notice, that the great Number of empty Houses is ascribed to the new Buildings of late Years. But I can't conceive the Buildings in the last forty Years, to have been near equal to what they must have been in the preceding forty Years, when the Buildings must have been so numerous as to equal the whole Number standing in London, Westminister, and the Suburbs thereof before that Time; because the People having doubled in the next forty Years (as appears by the Bills of Mortality) must needs have double the Habitations to reside in. and here I wave the Buildings which the Fire of London occasion'd, tho' that must have been prodigious, for it happen'd in this Period of doubling. Nay, it must be evident, the Building this last forty years, can't have been near equal to the Buildings in the preceding forty years, because abundance more Houses wou'd now be empty than there are, if this were the Case, since the People have not increased above 1/7, or thereabout in the last forty Years, tho' they doubled in the preceding 40 Years, or thereabouts, as hath been shewn.
Another Point, whence I argue, that Trade is in a much worse state than it formerly was, is that we send Money to Spain, whence we ought most certainly to receive it: For Spain having the Mines of Peru and Mexico, and being so very careful to keep the Riches of them to themselves, that they search all Ships in those Parts, and if they find any Money on Board, confiscate them, and bring all the Treasure of those Mines home to Old Spain, in the King's Ships call'd Galleons, Register-Ships, etc. Therefore Spain being the great Receiver of this vast Treasure, consequently must have the Prices of all Commodities at as much higher Rates than other Nations, as the Wealth of these Mines continually furnish, is greater than any other nation can receive, who have no Mines but their Trade.
And as it is this which doth, and which in the very Nature of the Thing should give us and other Nations, who have no Mines, the Advantage of vending Goods to Spain, so as to have the Balance on them, and every Country that hath Gold and Silver Mine: so it will follow, that our Trade is really in a bad condition, if we pay them any Money at all. And yet by our Bills of Entries it appears, that we Exported to Cadiz in Spain, September 7, 1732.... 2000 Ounces of Gold
9,
2000 Novemb. 4
2000 Decemb. 16
3000
19
1000 January 7
3000
In all 13000 Ounces of Gold or about L. 50,00 in so short a time. I could produce many more instances from the bills of Entry; but these are sufficient to prove that the State of our Trade is not only worse than it formerly was, when we undoubtedly had the Balance in our favour on Spain, but that the Trade of this Nation is in a very bad Way indeed; unless it can be proved that Gold in Spain is so much more valuable in respect of Silver, than it is with us, that it will purchase so more more Silver in Spain than it will do here, as is sufficient to pay the Freight of the Gold out, and of the Silver home, and the Insurance for the Hazard of the Sea out and home, with Postage of Letters, and Commission to the Merchants in Spain, and a Profit sufficient to induce our Merchants to export Gold to bring home Silver for it.
And since the Merchants in Portugal understand getting Money as well as others, can we imagine their Gold would come to us, as we find by its Circulation amongst us it doth, if they could buy Silver with it as such cheaper Rates in Spain, as would enable them to send us Silver at so much higher Rates in respect of Gold, as the Silver would thus cost them less than it is worth with us, in respect of Gold?
Hence therefore I conclude, that nothing but Spain's having such a Balance upon us, can be the Cause of our sending them this Money. And, I think, nothing but our Paper Effects, which are almost immense, if we consider the publick Securities of every Kind, and Bank Notes, etc. which have the Operation of Money amongst us, could possibly raise and keep our Markets so high, as to cause us to receive more Goods in Value from Spain than they
take of us. And yet, I think, this must be our Case, tho' we carry them only Gold. And thus it may be said, we carry Coals to Newcastle; nor can the Event be different, if we go on so, except that this Matter is of so much more Importance, as Gold is more valuable than Coals.
I must own I have hear it supposed, that the Merchants in Spain, to avoid the Delays that of late Years have attended the Delivery of the Money from on Board the King's Ships, and also to elude paying the Indulto thereon, have found means to convey their Money by our Ships to England, and that this occasions the Exportation of Gold to Spain; but I think this Trade so dangerous, both to the Merchants in Spain, and our Ships too, that I know not how to admit this for a sufficient Reason.
Another Point, from whence I shall argue that our Trade is in a much worse State than it formerly was, shall be the following Estimate of the necessary Charge of a Family, in the middling Station of Life, consisting of a Man and his Wife, four Children and a Maid-Servant; so as I think a Person that hath such a Family, and employs L. 1000 of his own Money in Trade, ought to live. For if such Families must not have Necessaries enough, and I believe it will appear I have allow'd no Superfluities, I think we ought to give up Trade, and find some other way to live. For Trade terminates ultimately in the Consumption of Things, to which End alone Trade is carried on: Therefore if those that employ L. 1000 of their own Money, shall not be able to supply such a middling Family with needful and common Things, What then becomes of the Consumption of Things? or, in other Words, What becomes of Trade? For, to be sure, not one Person in a good many is the real Owner of such a Sum.
If therefore such Families must retrench and abridge themselves of common needful Things, those in Trade below them, in this respect, must much more do so, if they have Families.
An Estimate of the necessary Charge of a Family in the middling Station of Life, consisting of a Man, his Wife, four Children and one Maid Servant, which I take to be a middling Family.
per Head per Day; Daily Expence; Weekly Expence; Yearly Expence.
Bread for seven persons: 3/4 d.; 5 1/4 d; 3 s. 0 3/4 d.;-- Butter: 3/4 d.; 5 1/4 d; 3 s. 0 3/4 d.;-- Cheese: 1/4 d.; 1 3/4 d.; 1 s. 0 1/4 d.;-- Fish and Flesh Meat: 2 1/2 d.; 1 s. 5 1/2 d.; 10 s. 2 1/2d.;-- Roots and Herbs, Salt, Vinegar, Mustard, Pickles, Spices and Grocery, except Tea and Sugar: 1/2d.; 3 1/2d.; 2s 0 1/2d.;-- Tea and Sugar: 1d.; 7d.;4s. 1d.;-- Soap for the Family Occasions, and Washing all manner of Things both abrand at home: 1 1/2d.; 10 1/2d.; 6s. 1 1/2d.; -- Threads, Needles, Pins, Tapes, Worsteds, Bindings, and all sorts of Haberdashery: 1/2 d.; 3 1/2d.; 2s. 0 1/2d. Milk one Day with another: -- ; 3/4 d.; 5 1/4d.; -- Candles about 2 1.2 lb. per Week the Year round: -- ; -- ; 1s. 3d.; -- Sand, Fullers Earth, Whiting, Small Coal, Brick-dust: -- ; -- ; 2d.; -- 10 Shilling Small Beer, a Firkin and a Quarter per Week: -- ; -- ; 3s. 1 1.2d.; -- Ale for the family and friends: -- ; -- ; 2s. 6 d.; -- Coals, between 4 and 5 Chaldron per Annum may be Estimated at: -- ; -- ; 2s. 6d.; -- Repairs of Houshold Goods, as Table Linnen, Bedding, Sheets, and every Utensil for Houshold Occasions: -- ; -- ; 1s. 6d.; --
6 s. 2 d. per Head Weekly for seven Persons amounts to near: -- ; -- ; L.2 3s. 1 1/2d.; L. 112 10s.
Yearly Expence Brought over 112 l. 10 s. Cloaths of all Kinds for the Master of the Family: 16 l. Shaving 7s. 6d. per Quarter, and cleaning Shoes 2s. 6d. per Quarter: 2 l. Cloaths for the Wife, who can't wear much, nor very fine Laces with: 16 l. Extraordinary Expence attending every Lying in L. 10, supposed to be about once in two years: 5 l. Cloaths for four Children, at L. 7 per Ann. each Child: 28 L. Schooling for four Children, including every Charge thereunto relating, supposed to be equal at least to ten Shillings per Quarter for each Child: 8 l. The Maid's Wages may be: 4 l. 10 s. Pocket Expences for the Master of the Family, supposed to be about four Shillings per Week: 10 l. 8s. For the Mistress of the Family, and for the four Children to buy Fruit and Toys, etc. at two Shillings per Week: 5 l. 4 s. Entertainments in return of such Favours from Friends and Relations: 4 l. Physick for the whole Family one Year with another, and the extraordinary Expence arising by illness, may be much more than: 6 l. A Country Lodging sometimes for the Health and Recreation of the Family, or instead thereof, the extraordinary Charge of nursing a Child abr which in such a Family is often thought needful: 8 l.
[Sub-total] 225 l. 12 s. Rent and Taxes may be somewhat more or less than: 50 l. Expences of Trade with Customers, and travelling Charges, Christmas-Box-Money, and Postage of Letters, etc. for the sake of even Money, at least: 19 l. 8 s. Bad Debts which may easily be more than 2 per cent on the supposed Capital of L. 1000: 20 l.
[Sub-Total] L. 315. There must be laid up, one Year with another, for twenty Years, in order to leave each Child, and a Widow if there should be one, L. 500: 75 l. L. 1000 therefore by this Estimate should gain one Year with another: 390 l.
Which for the sake of a round Sum I will call 40 per cent per Annum, in order to support such a Family, and provided L. 500 a Piece for four Children, and a Widow, if there should be one left, which if not, will augment each Child's Share but L. 125. And here I suppose a Man to live twenty Years from his Marriage to his Demise, which take to be about the term one Man or Woman with another doth live. I don't mean by this that no Man or Woman lives longer from the Time of Marriage than twenty Years; I know many live much longer; but I am equally certain that as many never reach this Term as others live beyond it. And it will also many Times happen, that 5, 6, 7, 8 or more Children must be brought up by some Parents, tho' perhaps it will more frequently happen that less than four will be raised by others.
But those that shall happen to have seven or eight Children, will find the 75 l. per Ann. supposed in this Estimate to be laid up, in order to provide 500 l. a Piece for four Children, hardly sufficient to bear the extraordinary Charge, which so many more Children will occasion in this Rank of Living. And surely it must be very hard, that the Man who happens to have a numerous Family (and many such there always are) should thereby be render'd not only uncapable to provide any Thing for them to set out in the World with, but be reduced in a Course of Years, as he certainly must, if L. 1000 in Trade will not produce at least 40 per cent per Annum.
But I have not produced this Estimate, only to shew what is the needful charge for the decent Support of such a Family in this Rank of Life, but chiefly to shew that our Trade is in a much worse State than it was about forty or fifty Years ago: For then it was a very common Thing for People, from small Beginnings to raise L. 5000 or more for each Child, tho' the Families were as large as my Estimates supposes: Which is a Truth so well known, that I shall not attempt any Proofs of it, but take it for granted, not doubting that the Observation of the aged and judicious Tradesman will allow it me: and further concur, that the State of Trade in general will now by no means admit of making 40 per cent per ann. on a Capital of L. 1000 or perhaps hardly more than half as much. Yet I will not say there are no Instances of such Profits; for perhaps such there will be, as long as there is Trade amongst us: But I am certain they are few, and hard to be found or guess'd at, there being too many People in almost every Occupation to admit of such Gains. And I am as certain, that the Instances of raising pretty Fortunes for Children, about forty or fifty Years ago, from very small Beginnings, were vastly more numerous than any are to be found, at this Time, that can make any thing near 40 per cent per annum on a capital of L. 1000. And therefore, I think, I may justly conclude, that Trade is now in much worse Circumstances than it formerly was. But were our Trade to be put on the Foot I am pointing out, less than 30 per cent per annum on such a Capital, wou'd be as sufficient for the Support and Provision of such a Family, as 40 per cent per annum is, as the Prices of Things now go: And then the Demand for, and Consumption of every Thing would be so much augmented, that it would be as easy to make 30 per cent per ann. on such a Capital, as it is now to make 20; for then our Trade would be in that flourishing State I am aiming at.
But from what I have now said, and also from this Estimate, it must appear, that the Wealthy have the Business and Affairs of the trading Part of the People transacted, on Terms as much below the reasonable and just Value thereof, as the Profits such a Sum will generally make, are less than the Estimate shews to be needful for a middling Family in this Rank of Life. Therefore such diffusing Property amongst the People in general, as hath been before in this Essay represented, is absolutely needful, not only for the Sake of the labouring People, but for the trading Part too; who together undoubtedly are more than 19 Parts in 20 of the People of the Kingdom;(32*) the Generality of whom, by the several Estimates, appear to be in equal Difficulties, in Proportion to their Stations in Life. And if so, is there any room to wonder at the Misery we see amongst the Poor, or the Ruin which so frequently befals the middling People; since by both the Estimates it appears, the Nature of Things, in our present Circumstances, is so big with these Evils, that we may much rather wonder the Misery and Ruin are not universal?
Again it must appear by this Estimate, that if 1000 l. employ'd in Trade, ought to make so large a Gain as about 40 per cent per ann. all necessary Means should be used, to make as large a Consumption of all Kinds of Goods, as the Nature of Things is well capable of; which, as hath been before sufficiently shewn, can hardly ever be equal to the Wants of the People, according to their several Ranks and Stations only, will necesarily require. And this should also be done, for the sake of returning the Capitals employed in Trade, as frequently as possible; since the quicker the Returns are made, the cheaper will the Goods come to the Consumer; and the slower the Returns are made, so much larger should the Profits always be, that is, so much dearer ought the Goods to be sold to the Consumer. If this is not the Case, the Tradesman must suffer, which is very unreasonable, since all Trade is carried on solely for the Use and Benefit of the Consumer.
Again, this Estimate shews, how unfit it is to give or take long Credit in Trade; since the Advance of the Price of goods sold on time, ought not to be reckon'd with any Regard to the Interest of Money on Securities, but by the Rates of the Profits which the Capitals employ'd may require to answer the End of Trade, which is not only the continual Support of Families, but such a Provision for them as may, at least, leave the Children in Condition to fill up the same, if not better Stations in Life, than their Parents were in. For as all below this Point approach so much nearer Poverty, so, if such Descent towards Poverty to be general amongst the trading People, the Rents in general will not only fall, but be lost; and this, I imagine, is both seen and felt too at this Time.
And therefore, I think, giving long Credit in Trade, which is now become much too general, ought to be remedied; since it must affect the Landed-Men, either in the high Price of their Consumables, or in their Rents, or perhaps in both.
The last Thing I shall mention, to shew that our Trade really is, and hath been, for some considerable Time past, growing into a much worse State than it formerly was, shall be the acknowledged Dearness of the Labour of the People in England, to the Price of Labour in most of our Neighbour Nations; the Effect of which hath been so detrimental to our Trade, that the Nations round us have, in less than half a Century, enter'd on, and set up the Fabricating many Manufactures, which they before that Time had from us only: Which hath not been observed, but lamented by many of our Merchants and Tradesmen, etc. And at length, as is notoriously know, the Dearness of Labour hath been found so burthensome to our Farmers, that the Gentry and Justices of the Peace, in their open Quarter Sessions, have lately, in several Places in the Kingdom, attempted to redress this Evil, by regulating the Rates of Servants Wages. Now this attempt, though it be unnatural, and impossible to answer the End, is however a publick Acknowledgment, that our Trade is in a very bad State. For if our Labour be really too dear, as it most certainly is, then all our Commodities must be so too; which must necessarily greatly lessen the Vend and Consumption of them. And hence it will follow, that this publick Attempt to reduce the Rates of Labour, amounts to a publick Declaration that our Trade is in a very bad State.
But after all I have offer'd, which I think abundantly sufficient to prove that our Trade is in a much worse State than it formerly was, I know it will be objected, that we have, at this Time, as much Trade amongst us in the Nation as we ever had; and that therefore our Trade is not so bad, as I have shewn it to be. Now, tho' I should allow the Objectors their Assertion, yet, I think, I can notwithstanding produce several Reasons, to shew that our Trade is in a much worse State than it formerly was; as,
First, That the People in this Kingdom have increased considerably within the last half Century: For I have before shewn that this Town is increased about 1/7 part, in the Space of about forty Years. And Sir William Pettis says, A Nation will double itself in 200 Years, if it be free from War, Pestilence, or Draining for distant Colonies. Now 40 Years being 1/5 of the Period he asserts a Nation will double in, it follows, by this Authority, that the People in this Kingdom must be increas'd 1/5 within the last forty Years: If therefore our Trade be not 1/5 Part greater than it was about forty Years ago, which I am sure cannot be shewn, it follows, that as our Trade is less, in Proportion to this Increase of People, than it formerly was, it therefore must be so much worse.
I am sensible it may be objected, that we have, within half a Century, had two Wars with France, as well as one in Ireland upon King William's coming in; and that therefore this Authority will not support so great an Increase as I have deduced from it. But I answer, That we had so good a Trade about the Revolution, and during both those Wars with France, as drew more People from abrto us, than these Wars did probably destroy.
Again, Secondly, allowing that we have now as much Trade in this Kingdom as we formerly had, yet it must also be allow'd, that if Trade be now carried on for less Profit, than it formerly was, as it undoubtedly is; and this I fear now will be generally granted; besides, that I think, what I have said under the last Estimate, doth sufficiently prove as much: I say, if Trade be now carried on for less Profits; and if the Charge of Living be likewise grown much greater than it formerly was, which I know will easily be allow'd me too, surely then Trade must necessarily be much worse than it formerly was, notwithstanding we may have as much Trade is certainly in a much worse State than it formerly was, especially in this Metropolis, I think it will not be unnecessary to shew how Trade stands in the Country in this respect.
Now it hath been long asserted, that many Farmers, in several Parts of the Kingdom, from the Cheapness of the Produce of the Ground, and from the Dearness of Labour have been obliged to throw up their Farms to their Landlords. And of late this is grown so generally the Case, that the News-Papers(33*) have assured us, that most of the Farmers all over the Kingdom must inevitably have been ruin'd, had not Corn, etc. taken a sudden considerable and unexpected Rise, which the War now broke out in Italy hath occasion'd. And this seems to be allow'd to be Fact, even by the most sanguine of those that contend for the present most flourishing State of our Trade, whilst they content themselves with assigning this Cause for it, viz. That the Gentry truly do not now live, and spend their Money in the Country, as formerly. Now this, if it be true, seems to me a very inadequate Cause, either of the late Cheapness of the Produce, or present Dearness of Labour; to which Causes the Farmers justly attribute the unhappy Dilemma they have for some Time labour'd under.
But however; Fact it seems it is, that the Farmers, generally, were so near inevitable Ruin as is above asserted: Now I would fain know what the State of Trade must be in the Country, when the Farmers in general were in so dreadful a Condition: For the Trade in the country, I think, turns chiefly, if not entirely, upon the general Prosperity of the Farmers; for I believe the Country People would be able to raise but few Manufactures, if the Farmers in general were so reduced, as to be unable to raise the Principles out of the Ground, for them to work on; and yet this must be the Case, if the Farmers were generally ruin'd. For the Gentlemens employing their Farmers themselves, would not mend the Matter; since they find by Experience, those Farms always bring them in Debt, on which the Farmers find they can't get a Livelihood; which therefore in the End, must ruin the Gentlemen as well as the Farmers. And therefore it follows, that, allowing the above Fact to be true, the Trade in the Country, as well as the Trade in London, is in a much worse Condition than it was formerly, when the Prosperity of the Farmers, and other Circumstances, enabled the Gentlemen almost universally to raise their Rents, as it's well known they have done very considerably, within the Space of 30 or 40 years last past.
But I shall now proceed to obviate an Objection, which, as Things are now circumstanced, may seem to lie against this Proposal, viz. 'Tis objected, that the Plenty is now so great, as to reduce the Price of the Produce so low, that the Farmers can pay no Rent; and therefore it follows, that we have already broke up and improv'd too much Land; since such Plenty can arise only from having too much Land in Use.
In answer to which, I shall first observe, that the Price of Things may be reduced too low to answer and turn to Account, not only from the Plenty of those Things consider'd in themselves, but from the Inability of the People in general to purchase them, in such Quantities as their Wants may require; since a consideration Abatement of the Consumption of any Thing, will operate to the Reduction of its Price, more than even Plenty of any Thing, consider'd with due Regard to the Wants of the People, will do;(34*) and whoever considers the two Estimates I have produced, which shew how much greater the Wants of the People are, than they can in general be supposed to get, must ascribe the present low Rates of the Produce, at least as much to an Abatement of the Consumption, as to the Plenty consider'd as aforesaid; since by those Estimates it plainly appears, the Wants of the People are mightily abridged.
Again, this Objection is contrary to the Nature of the Thing itself; since it suggests that Plenty is so enormous an Evil, as in general to ruin the Farmers and Gentlemen. For if the Farmers can't pay their Rent, they will certainly one time or other be seized on, and torn to Pieces; and the Gentlemen must also be ruin'd, if they can get no Rent for their Lands, as this Objection suggests. Now since Plenty is in its own nature a general Good, and a universal Blessing, always promoting and increasing the Consumption thereof, nor can possibly ever be otherwise; this objection, which suggests that Plenty is an Evil, and so great a one too, must be contrary to the Nature of the Thing itself.
Again, if it were true, as this Objection suggests, that we have already so much Land in Use, as makes the Plenty so great, as to reduce the Price of the Produce so low, that the landlords can get no Rent for the lands; yet if it can be made appear (as I think by what I have said in this Essay it doth) that more Land is wanted to give full Employment to all the People, and thereby to supply their reasonable Wants, it will follow, whether Gentlemen can or cannot get any Rent for their Lands, that the People have a just and reasonable Right to have so much more Land put to Use, as shall be needful and sufficient to give them full Employment, and subsist them comfortably; because every Person is, by Nature, as much intitled to all the Land he can cultivate and use, as he is to the Air in which he breathes: For he can no more live without cultivating the Ground to supply his Wants, than he can breathe without Air. And therefore, since Mankind are all by Nature born equal in this respect, it can never be reasonable to abridge any Part of Mankind of this their natural Right, unless it can be clearly prov'd, that it is for the Good of every Individual to be thus abridged; and therefore, that they ought either to purchase, or pay Rent for the Land they shall use and enjoy. And this indeed, I doubt not, I could clearly make appear, if I were to shew the Preference of Civil Government, rightly administer'd, to a simple State of Nature without Government; of which the Hottentots seem to me to be the chief, if not the only Instance we have now perhaps in the World; and yet, I believe, I should prefer their abject Condition to any arbitrary or oppressive Government on Earth. But I deny that there is, or ever was such a Plenty as this Objection suggests; because the Produce of the Ground, when brought to Market by the Farmers, is always sold for ready Money. Now it is impossible that any Thing can properly be said to be too plentiful, for which the Demand is always so great, as to make it a ready Money Commodity. For if the Plenty were really too great for the Demand, it would, as we know many sorts of Goods and Manufactures are, necessarily be sold for Time. And since nothing but a greater Plenty of any Thing, than the Demand for it requires, is the Foundation and Cause of selling such Things on Credit, it follows that the Produce is not too plentiful, since it's always sold for ready Money, Nay, Victuals and Drink, which are the only Things in this Objection I am properly concern'd with, are so far from being too plentiful, that they are generally sold for ready Money, even down to the meanest Consumer. For the Number of those who do not pay present Money for these immediate Necessaries, are not only few in Comparison, but even those Persons, generally speaking, always pay for these immediate Necessaries in a very short time, unless when such a one happens to be trusted, that is not able to pay at all. And this, I believe, is so generally known to be true, that I need not fear having the Concurrence of the People in general on my side; by which the Truth of this Argument must stand or fall, no other Proof being possible in this Case.
If therefore it be not the Plenty of the Produce, that is the Cause that it is at present sold so cheap, that the Farmers can pay not Rent, as I think I have sufficiently proved it is not, it will be necessarily required to shew what is the Cause of so melancholy a Truth, as this objection is founded on. For I allow that perhaps there never were so many Farms quitted, and thrown on the Gentlemens Hands in England, as at this Time.
Now this Cause I assert is chiefly, if not solely owing to too great a Scarcity of Money amongst the People in general. And in order to prove this, I must shew what are the Signs of a sufficient Plenty, and of too great a Scarcity of Money amongst the People.
Now the signs of a sufficient Plenty of Money are these; the Houses well fill'd with Inhabitants, the Rents well paid for them, and Fines exacted; as also, that the Rents of Lands in general be well and duly paid; and that we be not over-burden'd with Poor; nor our R or Streets infested with Highwaymen and Robbers: When Things are thus circumstance, Trade may be truely said to be in a flourishing State, or Money, on which Trade floats, may be said to be sufficiently plentiful; and more plentiful than this it never can be.
On the other hand, since it is now notorious that the Number of empty Houses is very great, and instead of Fines for them, as formerly, the Rents are lower'd, and still falling; besides, that the Landlords very frequently fit them up too for the Tenants; and our Poor are so very much increased, that we are obliged to transport many of them; and our R and Streets are so exceedingly infested with Highwaymen and Robbers, as perhaps the like was never; and since the Objection says, the Landlords can now hardly get any Rents for their Farms: These Signs therefore, being exactly the Reverse of the former, must needs be as certain and evident Proofs of a Decay of Trade, or, which is tantamount, of too great a Scarcity of Money amongst the People in general, as the aforemention'd Circumstances were Signs and Proofs of a flourishing Trade, and a sufficient Plenty of Money amongst the People in general; nor do I know what Kinds of Proofs could be produced, or reasonably required besides, or stronger than these.
For if, when the Houses were well fill'd with Inhabitants, the Rents were not only well paid for them, but Fines frequently exacted; and we were not then over-burthen'd with Poor, as we are now; nor our R nor Streets infested with Highwaymen and Robbers: If the Rents for the Lands were then likewise well paid, and raised too, as they certainly were; and if now the Gentlemen can hardly get any Rents for their Lands; and all the contrary Marks and Signs are upon us: It must be plain that it is not the Plenty of the Produce, but too great a Scarcity of Money amongst the People, which hath reduced Trade to so languishing a Condition, that Tradesmen in general can't get Money to pay the usual Rents for the Houses, nor the Farmers for the Farms.
And this squares exactly with what I said to illustrate my fourth Principle, that if Money decreases amongst the People, they must be distress'd, unless either their Numbers be diminish'd, or the Prices of Things lower'd in such Proportion. And since these Marks and Signs are sufficient Proofs of too great a Scarcity of Money amongst the People in general, they must also be equal Proofs that the Cash amongst them in general is considerably diminish'd, at least that it is not increased in Proportion to their Number, and the Prices of Things.
And hence we may see that whatever hurts Trade to any considerable Degree, will also hurt the Landlords and Houses too, if there be any Truth in the Fact contain'd in the Objection I have now answer'd.
And if what I have offer'd be, as I think it is, a sufficient Answer to the Objection, supposed the Fact to be true, it follows then that the Gentlemen if they would have any Rents for their Farms, are under a Necessity, as fast as possible, to cause so much waste Land to be inclosed and improved, as shall actually reduce the present Rates of labour, and the Subsistence of the Farmers, so much, that the Price, the Produce of the Earth will fetch at Market, may be sufficient to bear all Charges, and leave an Overplus to pay such Rents as the Lands will then be found to bear. For whilst the necessary Charges of the Labour, etc. and the Subsistence of the Farmers continue so great, as to equal the Price the Produce of the Ground fetches at Market, it is impossible the Gentlemen should have any Rents paid them. The Objection suggests this to be the Case at present; and I am sure that a Scarcity of the Produce will not mend the Matter, whatever they may think of such a Calamity.
Now that the necessary Charges of the Labour, etc. and the Subsistence of the Farmers may be so much lower'd, as to leave an Overplus out of the Price the Produce of the Ground fetches at Market, sufficient to pay some Rent, is certain; because, when the Produce of the Ground did hardly fetch 1/30 Part of its present Rates, some Rent was as certainly paid, as that we always had Gentlemen in the Kingdom who liv'd on their Estates. And if, as I have before sufficiently made out, the lowering the Rates of Labour will make every Thing fall, in much greater Proportion than the Rents, it must be evident that an Overplus must, in this Case, remain to pay Rent; and that the Gentlemen will be the richer too, for persuing such Measures, as shall be effectual to reduce the present Rates of Labour, etc. And now, I hope, it doth fully appear, that the Gentlemen have no Reason to fear improving so much waste Land as I am contending for, since perhaps they are not like to get any Rent any other way; except that I must add, that the taking the Taxes intirely off Goods, would mightily help them in this Point, since it's pretty certain, the Taxes, and Charges of collecting them, together with the Advance on the Price of Goods they occasion, do now absorb near half the Rent of the Kingdom, as hath been before shewn. Nay, I do verily believe, that taking the Taxes intirely off the Things the working People consume, is so absolutely needful, that Labour can hardly be reduced without it.
And that which makes me think so, is the prodigious Augmentation of the Price of Goods by Taxes; an undeniable Instance of which, the taking the Duty off Salt, and laying it on again hath produced. For Salt, when the Duty was taken off, was cried about Street three Pounds for five Farthings; and no sooner was the Duty laid on again, but the Price became to the Consumer (as it was before the Duty was taken off) five Farthings for one Pound. so the Duty on Salt hath trebled its Price to the Consumer. This Instance therefore makes me think it impossible to reduce the Rates of Things by Tillage, etc. alone, so much as to reduce the Rate of Labour, except taking the Taxes intirely off the Things the working People consume and use, be also brought in Aid. And I dare say this will be found so too, if ever it's tried.
But there remains a Difficulty or two, which perhaps it may also be needful to remove, viz. First, That since a great many Estates in this Kingdom are mortgaged, if the Rents of Lands, by the Execution of this Proposal, should be considerably lower'd, many such Estates will hardly be worth more than they are mortgaged for; which may be a very great Hardship to abundance of People. I would therefore most humbly propose that, whenever the Wisdom of Parliament shall think fit to make an Act to inclose, and improve so much common and waste Land as shall be needful, and may be effectual to the Purposes this Essay sets forth; (for I believe it can hardly be effected without such an Act of Parliament;) I say, I would most humbly propose, that a Clause be added, that all Mortgagees shall be obliged annually, or in any other Manner that may seem meet, to strike off such Sums from the Principal Money lent on such Estates, as shall hold Proportion to the Fall of the Rents of Lands. This can be no Hardship to the Mortgagees, since the Residue of their Money and Interest will do, at least, all the same Things which their whole Sums, with the Interest, would have done if no such Alteration were made, as the full and sufficient Execution of this Proposal will effect.
The Mortgagees will be so far from being singular in this Case, that this is what must happen to every Tradesman, whose Stock in Hand being our Produce, or Manufactures of any Kind, will be continually falling, as fast as such Produce or Manufactures shall from Time to Time, by the Plenty of them, be made cheaper. Now will this be any Prejudice to any Tradesman, since every Time they buy, in this Case, such Goods will be as much cheaper than when they bought last, as those Commodities have fallen on their Hands; and the remaining Sums every way as powerful to buy what they may have Occasion for, as the whole sums would have been if no such Alteration had happen'd, as this Proposal, if executed, will effect.
As to foreign Commodities,their Prices depending on the Markets whence they are brought, will hardly be affected by this Proposal; and as to Debts and Notes, the Credit of this Kind being never intended to be of any long Duration, I think no Alteration should be made, respecting them. But if this Proposal should be executed, a Hardship will fall on many who have Leases of Lands, unless a Clause be likewise made, to give such Tenants Leave to surrender their Leases to their Landlords; but this must only be at the Option of such Tenants, because if they think fit to hold their Leases, the Covenants must be fulfilled, even as if no Alteration were made by the Execution of this Proposal.
And if another Clause were made to this Purpose, that any Person being willing to inclose, and improve any reasonable and proper Quantity of waste Land, fit for one Person to undertake the Improvement of, whereever such waste or uninclosed Land is to be found,(35*) such Person should have Power to do so, on Condition only of giving Notice in Writing to the Proprietors of such waste Land; or, if such waste Land belong to a Parish, to the Vestry, who should receive(36*) such Rents as shall be agreed by two Persons indifferently chosen, one by the Proprietors or Vestry, the other by the Incloser of such Lands: And if they can't agree, a third Person should be obliged to fix and determine the Rents for any proper Term: And it should be recommended by the same Act, that the Referees always have all due Regard to the Good of the Person inclosing and improving such waste Land, because the Riches, Strength, and Honour of a Nation depend on the utmost Improvements of their Lands, all other Things being only Consequences of this: I say, if such a Clause were further added, this whole Affair, and all the Benefits I have been representing, would thenceforth execute themselves, so long as we have any waste or unimprov'd Land left. And when we have no more, the People must remove themselves where they can have Land enough to support them; or our country will certainly become weak and miserable, by its being more numerous, than the Continent we have can support in an happy Condition.
I shall conclude with offering something about the Execution of this Proposal. But shall premise, that since all Trade and Commerce is founded in the Wants of Mankind solely, and that these can be supplied only by Cultivation and Tillage, all other Things depending intirely thereon, it must clearly appear to what Causes to attribute that Decay of Trade, of which such great Complaints have been made from all Parts of the Kingdom, even to the Parliament; and that those have not rightly consider'd the Nature and Foundation of Trade, who have so vilely traduced as wise and good a Government as this Nation ever had, when they have insinuated, at least, that this Decay of Trade is owing in any Degree to their Conduct.
For, I hope, I have shewn that a Decay of Trade will unavoidably arise from the Course of Things themselves, where such an Addition of Land is not annually cultivated, as shall at least hold Proportion to the natural Increase of Mankind; and likewise that a Decay of Trade is the necessary and undeniable Consequence of a Decrease of the Nation's Cash, since the Consumption of every Thing must lessen in such Degree, as the Cash circulating amongst the People lessens, if the Prices of Things in general be not reduced in like Proportion, by the Means I have shewn.
For, if every Thing bears the same Price, and the Number of Consumers is not lessen'd, it's plain, they having in this Case so much less Money amongst them, must purchase as much fewer Things, as the Want of so much Money will necessarily prevent them, must purchase as much fewer Things, as the Want of so much Money will necessarily prevent them from buying; and this will increase the Number of Poor, and make them miserable, according as the Degree of the Decrease of Cash cuts off more or less Business from amongst the People.
The Consequences will be just the same, if the People increase, and Cash doth not increase amongst them in like Proportion.
And further, I think it appears, that it is not Luxury which occasions a Decay of Trade; but that such a Decay of Trade, as dispossesses many of that Property their Wants and natural Rights intitle them to, is that alone which possesses a comparative Few with such Affluence, as both causes and supports their Luxury, and allures and draws in many into such luxurious Excesses, as are beyond their Abilities to support. Therefore, imputing the Decay of Trade to Luxury, must be a very great Error, since it puts the Effect for the Cause.
And again, I believe our Paper Effects have contributed as much to this Decay of Trade, as all the rest put together, by inhancing the Price of every Thing amongst us, above the Rates our real Specie would have supported them at, in such Proportion as the Paper Effects amongst us are greater than the real Specie we have circulating; for this is the natural and unavoidable Effect of any Thing operating as Cash, which is not such.
But to return: I would most humbly propose that, if possible, 100,000 Acres of Land be for some Years successively taken in, and inclosed, as near London as such a Quantity of Land is to be had, because the labouring People may, I believe, be more easily drawn from hence to cultivate it, than from any other Parts; and because the Cities of London and Westminister will, I imagine, sooner feel the Effects in the Cheapness of Provision of all Kinds, which will soon put the Inhabitants into Circumstances to occupy more Houses, and cause others to flow to them, and thereby fill the empty Houses; for where the Trade is, the People will come.
Again, I would most humbly submit it to the Consideration and Goodness of His most Gracious Majesty, whether his Majesty might not, by giving his Crown Lands in proper Parcels on quit Rents, or any proper Acknowledgments for a Term of Years, begin this good Work, and relieve the poor Artificiers and Manufacturers, for whom His Majesty hath from the Throne most graciously expressed great Compassion.(37*)
And if His most Gracious Majesty shall please to continue to add, for some Years, such a Quantity of Crown Lands, in several Parts of the Kingdom, to be cultivated on like easy Terms, there will be People enough that will accept and improve them. And if at the End of any proper Term, when such Possessors shall pay Rent for them, an Incouragement be given, by allowing such Parcels of Lands on easy Rents, for some further Term of Years, this Incouragement will be attented with the utmost Improvement of such Lands, and Wealth to every prudent and industrious Possessor of them, and will, in a few Years, be a very considerable Estate to the Crown, arising by these Rents; and hereby, the dismal, and otherwise irremediable Calamity of many will be alleviated and relieved, Tears wip'd from many Eyes, and may broken Hearts heal'd, and Multitudes saved from Imprisonment, Transportation, and the Gallows; besides preventing many from deserting the Kingdom, as they are now continually doing, to seek that Bread, which they can't find in their native Country, to support them with Comfort.
Thus will His most Gracious Majesty become a Kind of Deity to his People, whilst he is thus imitating the Beneficence of our heavenly Father, whose Representative on Earth he will thus be, in the most exalted Sense.
I must, indeed, own myself a Stranger to the Quantity of Crown Lands, that are at present uncultivated; though I can't doubt that there are enough to set this useful, and, as I believe, absolutely needful to set this useful, and, as I believe, absolutely needful Proposal at Work; which will be found to be an inexpressible Benefit to all Ranks and Degrees of Men amongst us, if fully and sufficiently executed.
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